Displaying posts published in

2016

President Obama to Visit Saudi Arabia in April Summit offers chance for U.S., Gulf Arabs to smooth relations strained over Iran deal By Carol E. Lee and Margherita Stancati see note pleas

WILL HE BOW THIS TIME????RSK
WASHINGTON—President Barack Obama will travel to Saudi Arabia next month for a summit with Gulf Arab leaders, the White House said Wednesday, offering them a chance to repair relations strained by last year’s nuclear deal with Iran.

The summit with the Gulf Cooperation Council follows one Mr. Obama hosted last year at Camp David in an attempt to ease concerns among U.S. allies over the Iran deal. This year’s summit will take place on April 21.

Mr. Obama will also visit Germany and the U.K. in April. While in London, Mr. Obama will meet with Queen Elizabeth II and Prime Minister David Cameron. In Germany, he is scheduled to attend the Hannover industrial-technology trade show and meet with Chancellor Angela Merkel.

The White House said the summit in Saudi Arabia “will be an opportunity for leaders to review progress in strengthening U.S.-GCC security cooperation” in the year since the gathering at Camp David.

“It will also provide an opportunity for leaders to discuss additional steps to intensify pressure on [Islamic State], address regional conflicts, and de-escalate regional and sectarian tensions,” the statement said.

GCC countries include Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

The U.S. and other global powers reached the nuclear agreement with Iran last summer, triggering the lifting of economic sanctions that had been imposed on Iran in exchange for curbs on its nuclear program. CONTINUE AT SITE

ISIS Massacre of Christians Not “Genocide,” Obama Administration Insists by Raymond Ibrahim

According to the Obama administration, the Islamic State is committing genocide against certain religious minority groups — excluding Christian minorities. But ISIS is on record saying that its eradication of Christians is due to their religious identity.

The Obama administration’s rejection of the word “genocide” fits a familiar pattern.

When asked about the plight of Christians under ISIS, Colonel Steve Warren said “We’ve seen no specific evidence of a specific targeting toward Christians.”

Although Christians number 10% of Syria’s population, only 2% of refugees accepted into the U.S. from there are Christian. (The majority — almost 98% — are Sunni Muslims, the same sect to which ISIS belongs and thus are not persecuted.)

According to the Obama administration, the Islamic State is committing genocide against certain religious minority groups — excluding Christian minorities. During a February 29 press briefing, White House spokesman Josh Earnest was asked: “Is the Islamic State carrying out a campaign of genocide against Syria’s Christians?” He replied:

Well, we have long expressed our concerns with the tendency of — well, not a tendency — a tactic employed by ISIL to slaughter religious minorities in Iraq and in Syria. You’ll recall at the very beginning of the military campaign against ISIL that some of the first actions that were ordered by President Obama, by the United States military, were to protect Yazidi religious minorities that were essentially cornered on Mt. Sinjar by ISIL fighters. We took those strikes to clear a path so that those religious minorities could be rescued.

Due to the obvious equivocation — it is unclear how Obama’s efforts “to protect Yazidi religious minorities” answers a question about persecuted Christians — the question was repeated: “But you’re not prepared to use the word ‘genocide’ yet in the situation [regarding Christians]?”

Earnest’s response:

My understanding is the use of that word involves a very specific legal determination that has at this point not been reached.

We Oppose Judge Garland’s Confirmation He is a friend of big labor and regulators, not small businesses. By Juanita Duggan

President Obama on Wednesday formally nominated Merrick Garland, a judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, to the U.S. Supreme Court. After studying his extensive record, the National Federation of Independent Business believes that Judge Garland would be a strong ally of the regulatory bureaucracy, big labor and trial lawyers. On behalf of the hundreds of thousands of members we represent, the NFIB opposes Judge Garland’s confirmation.

In NAHB v. EPA, Judge Garland in 2011 refused to consider a Regulatory Flexibility Act (RFA) claim by the National Association of Home Builders against the Environmental Protection Agency despite the law’s clear language. The RFA is one of the few federal statutes that explicitly require certain agencies to take into account the effect of their actions on small employers. Consider that the federal government itself estimates that the typical small business must spend $12,000 per worker annually just to be compliant with federal regulations. With Judge Garland on the Supreme Court, the EPA and other regulators would have a freer hand to impose even more costs on small businesses.

In another case, Rancho Viejo, LLC v. Norton, in 2003, Judge Garland argued that the Commerce Clause, which regulates economic activity between the states, applies to an animal species found in only one state and which has no economic value. In doing so he foreshadowed the creative reasoning that the Obama administration used to defend the Affordable Care Act in NFIB v. Sebelius. We fear that as a pivotal justice on the Supreme Court, Judge Garland could apply his elastic view of the Commerce Clause to almost anything else.

In two other cases involving the National Labor Relations Board, Judge Garland didn’t just side with the government—he argued that business owners should be personally liable for labor violations. In other words, their personal assets, including their homes and their savings, would be exposed to government penalties. What worries us is that Judge Garland has been consistently wrong on labor law. In fact, in 16 major labor decisions of Judge Garland’s that we examined, he ruled 16-0 in favor of the NLRB.

With more than 320,000 members, our organization is the country’s largest advocate for small-business owners. When we asked members on Wednesday whether they wanted to fight the Garland confirmation, the response was overwhelming. More than 90% urged us to take action. CONTINUE AT SITE

OBAMA’S SUPREME POLITICS- HOW GOP SENATORS SHOULD HANDLE MERRICK GARLAND’S NOMINATION

President Obama’s nomination of Merrick Garland for the Supreme Court is meant to put Senate Republicans on the spot by elevating a well-qualified 63-year-old judge not known as a progressive firebrand. Republicans aren’t likely to fall into this trap, and Judge Garland’s jurisprudence suggests they’re right—with a caveat we’ll get to later.

The common wisdom is that Judge Garland’s nomination presents Republicans with the most moderate option they’ll get from a Democratic President. Maybe, maybe not. But we can’t think of a single issue that has divided the Court on which Mr. Garland would reliably vote differently from the four liberal Justices already on the bench.
Judge Garland’s 19-year tenure on the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals demonstrates a reliable vote for progressive causes, with the arguable exception of criminal law. Two issues in particular make the point: the Second Amendment and deference to the growing power of the administrative state.

In 2007 Judge Garland voted for a rehearing en banc after a three-judge panel invalidated Washington D.C’s handgun ban. In 2000 Judge Garland was part of a three-judge panel that allowed the FBI to temporarily keep files with information from gun purchase background checks. In his dissent, Judge David Sentelle wrote that the Attorney General was not only making “an unauthorized power grab, but is taking action expressly forbidden by Congress.”

Judge Garland has also shown a pattern of over-deference to administrative agencies including the EPA. Scotusblog’s Tom Goldstein points out that Mr. Garland has strong views on agency deference and “in a dozen close cases in which the court divided, he sided with the agency every time.”

In an especially notable case, Judge Garland dissented when the D.C. Circuit struck down the EPA’s egregious regional haze rules (American Corn Growers v. EPA, 2002). Excessive judicial deference to regulators is especially dangerous now given the Obama Administration’s unrestrained use of executive power to rewrite statutes and dare Congress to stop it. CONTINUE AT SITE

Justice Scalia And Chicago’s Mob Violence Ed J. Pozzuoli

Having supported Jeb Bush, a Trump apologist I am not. However, to blame him for a mob of leftist thugs wreaking havoc at his rally in Chicago is just plain wrong. It is anti-free speech; it’s un-American. The attempt by MoveOn.Org to use paid protesters to silence Trump supporters through intimidation is consistent with the radical left’s attempt to silence those with differing opinions and views. This tactic is reprehensible, but has been used frequently. Remember the protests at Rutgers University preventing Condi Rice from speaking or the protests, at a Yale forum on free speech?

The left is not interested in having a discussion or even a heated debate with Trump or with anyone else who cannot pass the liberal litmus test. They are only interested in silencing views with which they disagree. To disagree with them is to be branded a racist or a bigot. In today’s world, this is an example of the not-so-subtle intimidation of political correctness. Indeed, the left-leaning media is complicit as MSNBC’s Rachel Maddow went so far as to blame Trump for the behavior of the mob. Stifle debate, blame the victim. This is the way the left deals with dissent.

Alternatively, a civics lesson on how to deal with dissent or differing views is exemplified by the late Justice Antonin Scalia in the United States Supreme Court’s decision in Texas v Johnson. There, Justice Scalia joined the majority ruling upholding Gregory Lee Johnson’s constitutional right to light an American flag on fire during the Republican National Convention in Dallas. The next day Justice Scalia commented, “I would send that guy to jail so fast if I were king.” While he found Johnson’s act personally and morally reprehensible, Scalia emphasized that burning the flag is a form of free speech and, therefore, a right granted to the citizens by the First Amendment.

Following Justice Scalia’s line of reasoning, we cannot allow personal judgment or bias to preclude us from allowing others to speak. Free speech is the most basic right granted to U.S. citizens; it’s what makes us Americans. We do not have to agree with conflicting opinions and, in fact, we have the First Amendment right to argue at will. But we do have an obligation to protect every person’s right to express his or her views — no matter how unpalatable we find them. While I find it remarkable that more people are not outraged by Senator Sanders’ blatant socialism or Hillary Clinton’s Benghazi cover-up, no one has the right to shut Sanders or Clinton down entirely. Despite what I think of the two candidates personally, I would defend their right to voice opinions that fundamentally conflict with my own. Intimidation of any kind has no place on the right or the left.

The High Price of Faith in Trump Max Boot

There is a fashionable argument going around in the conservative legal world which holds that, for all his faults, Donald Trump is preferable to Hillary Clinton because he would appoint more conservative Supreme Court justices.

There are several points to be made in response.

First, no one, including Trump himself, has any idea who he would appoint. He could appoint Judge Judy or Jeanine Pirro because he’s seen them on TV. He could appoint his sister, who is a liberal Clinton appointee on the Third Circuit Court of Appeals. It’s pretty certain that Trump, who thinks that judges sign “bills” rather than opinions or rulings, has not the foggiest conception of what qualities to look for in a judicial nominee.

Today, I talked to a conservative lawyer who put the pro-Trump case this way: “There is a 5 percent chance Trump would appoint someone good to the court — but there’s a 0% chance Hillary would.” Fair enough. But is a 5 percent chance of a good Supreme Court appointment really worth running all the other risks that a Trump presidency poses?

Let me remind you that Trump is a candidate who has not evinced the slightest regard for the rule of law or the basic norms of democracy. He routinely threatens anyone who opposes him with dire consequences — “be careful” he always says in the manner of “The Godfather.” He just as routinely threatens physical harm against peaceful demonstrators.

Last Wednesday, at a North Carolina rally, he said, as protesters were being led out, “They used to treat them very, very rough, and when they protested once, they would not do it again so easily,” before lamenting “we’ve become weak.” Asked on Friday about a physical altercation at one of his rallies, he said: “The audience hit back, and that’s what we need a little bit more of.” On “Meet the Press” on Sunday, he offered to pay the legal fees of a white supporter who sucker-punched a black demonstrator and later threatened to kill him — an offer that Trump soon denied making but that was televised around the country (For links to these incidents and others, go here).

The Senate Must Deny Obama’s Bid to Transform the Supreme Court By Andrew C. McCarthy

I think very highly of Merrick Garland, whom President Obama has nominated to fill the Supreme Court seat of the late, legendary Justice Antonin Scalia. Merrick was a voice of reason and sound judgment as a top official in the Clinton Justice Department during the Nineties when I was prosecuting terrorists. It seems hard to believe now, but our decision to charge the Blind Sheikh and other jihadists with seditious conspiracy (i.e., conspiracy to levy war against the United States) was controversial at the time. It was a real asset to have, in the front office at Main Justice, an attorney of Merrick’s skill: a trial prosecutor’s grasp of strategy and an appellate lawyer’s understanding of potential legal perils. And, besides all that, he was a very nice guy.

Moreover, while my case was a success, it amply demonstrated that federal criminal law was ill-equipped to deal with international terrorism. Judge Garland is one of the lawyers who deserves credit for the mid-Nineties overhaul of counterterrorism law. Once these new statutes were finally enacted in 1996, you could still have a vigorous policy debate over whether international terrorism was principally a law-enforcement or a national-security challenge, but you could never again complain that the legal arsenal for prosecutions was lacking.

In terms of judicial philosophy, I would have deep disagreements with Judge Garland. He clerked for and was obviously deeply influenced by Justice William Brennan, who was about as much of a polar opposite to Justice Scalia as one could be. But there is no doubting Garland’s intellect and integrity. He is not someone a conservative or constitutional-originalist president would appoint; he is, however, as good as we could get from a president of the Left. I was pleased when President Clinton nominated him for the D.C. Circuit, and pleased when he was finally confirmed in 1997.

Of course, the situation today is much different.

Chicago, Trump’s Incitements, and Cruz’s Response By Andrew C. McCarthy

It is ludicrous to argue that, because the hard Left is primarily responsible for the outbreak of chaos and violence that caused Donald Trump’s Chicago rally to be canceled last night, it is wrong to condemn the thuggery Trump often encourages at his appearances.

Trump has encouraged physical battery at his campaign events, even telling supporters he’d pay their legal fees if they get arrested for assaulting dissenters. (See, e.g., Iowa event: ”So if you see somebody getting ready to throw a tomato, knock the crap out of ‘em, would you? Seriously. Okay? Just knock the hell — I promise you, I will pay for the legal fees. I promise. I promise”; see also Las Vegas event: regarding an unruly protester removed by security, Trump tells crowd, “I’d like to punch him in the face. He’s smiling, having a good time.”) Trump has continued to fan these flames even after it has become obvious that some of his supporters are acting on the invitation to resort to violence. Incitement to violence is a crime; incitement to violence at a large rally is incitement to riot — a crime that can get people badly injured or even killed.

And it’s about more than incitement. As David has been chronicling, Trump’s top campaign guy, Corey Lewandowski, has been credibly accused of manhandling Breitbart reporter Michelle Fields. In case you haven’t noticed, one of the main tactics that has transformed Turkey, before our very eyes, from a reasonably democratic society into an authoritarian Islamist state is Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s green-light to his underlings to intimidate, assault, shut down, imprison, and trump up prosecutions against members of the press. Trump is not a conservative, so it is perhaps unknown to him that media hostility is something conservatives in a free society learn to deal with — even to become more effective communicators because of. What should really frighten people is that Breitbart is Trump-friendly media. It is unlikely that, at the time of the alleged assault, Mr. Lewandowski even knew for whom Ms. Fields worked … but it is highly likely that he knew she was a reporter. (And even if he didn’t, campaign officials don’t get to rough up non-media rally attendees, either.)

Why I Don’t Watch Holocaust Movies John Podhoretz

The very act of converting the Shoah into a story on film is a violation of its meaning, its force, and its evil.http://mosaicmagazine.com/response/2016/03/why-i-dont-watch-holocaust-movies/

I have not seen Son of Saul, and I will not see it. As a general rule I do not see Holocaust movies, even though I have been a working film critic for 37 years. It is not because they do not affect me but because they do—and I do not trust the way they affect me. I did see Schindler’s List, and I wept at its conclusion, when Steven Spielberg has the Schindler survivors walk toward the camera as the film’s black- and-white blooms suddenly into color. But what was I weeping at?

The director Stanley Kubrick spent years trying to figure out how to make a movie about the Holocaust and never succeeded. When the writer Frederic Raphael talked to Kubrick about Schindler’s List, the universally praised work of Kubrick’s acolyte Spielberg, Kubrick issued an off-the-cuff criticism as great as any considered analysis by Erich Auerbach or Lionel Trilling: “Think that’s about the Holocaust? That was about success, wasn’t it? The Holocaust is about six million people who get killed. Schindler’s List is about 600 who don’t.” I was weeping because Schindler’s List is the Holocaust with a happy ending. The Shoah did not have a happy ending. It ended. And the tragedy of it will be with us until the end of time. It’s no wonder people seek to mitigate the horror by turning it into fable, but it is an impulse that should be resisted.

In his brilliant and scorchingessay on Son of Saul, Dan Kagan-Kans quietly and systematically exposes the contrivances of this self-consciously “new” kind of film about the Holocaust. The very fact that I just used the words “contrivance” and Holocaust in the same sentence is an example of the insurmountable aesthetic and moral problems faced by this and every other movie about the Shoah.

Now, all films are contrivances, whether they are about Auschwitz or about a couple meeting cute in a department store in Philadelphia. What we are seeing is not happening. The people we are watching are not the characters they are playing. The characters they are playing do not exist and never have existed. The words they are speaking were put into their mouths by someone else, which is not how actual people converse. As these simulacra move and speak those words, dozens of real people are a few feet away watching them, recording them, moving pieces of furniture in and out of their way, sending other people and cars and even rolling debris through the viewer’s line of sight to mimic the passing flow of life.

The problem is that, more than any other art form before it, the cinema is designed to trick you into forgetting that what you are seeing isn’t real. It’s the ultimate in stylization—it hides its stylization behind a veneer of reality. For what you are seeing looks real. Maybe even more real than reality itself. Bodies are walking back and forth before you. People are speaking words. Cars are moving in the background. It’s just that what they are actually doing and what you are seeing are two different things. They are making a movie. You are watching a story.

And the act of converting the Shoah into a story is itself a violation of its meaning, its force, and its evil. The imposition of a plot makes the inexplicably and unimaginably awful falsely explicable and, since it is at the same time literally being made imaginable, not quite so awful.

How ‘Michael Jordan’ Missed His Shot: The Story of Marco Rubio’s Epic Underachievement By Tim Alberta

Miami — “I loved watching Michael Jordan play basketball, because he could do things with the basketball that were not teachable,” Whit Ayres, a highly regarded Republican pollster, said in between sips of coffee in a downtown D.C. hotel conference room. “Marco Rubio is the Michael Jordan of American politics.”

It was March 31, 2015, just 13 days before Rubio, long considered the GOP’s brightest star, would launch his campaign at the Freedom Tower here in his hometown. Ayres, Rubio’s polling guru, had written a book with detailed, data-driven prescriptions for Republicans to take back the White House in 2016. He met on that March morning with a few dozen reporters to make his case — not just for the book and its blueprint, but for Rubio, whom he did not hesitate to hail as the party’s messiah.

Ayres was not alone in his assessment of Rubio’s unique talents. The 44-year-old son of Cuban immigrants became a celebrity in 2010, when he toppled Florida’s popular governor, Charlie Crist, en route to winning a seat in the U.S. Senate. His victory epitomized everything the then-ascendant Tea Party stood for — disrupting the established order, cleansing the landscape of Republicans perceived as too moderate — and he became a refutation, in the flesh, of charges that the party was a home only for old, wealthy, white men.

Though he ran as an outsider, the young senator wasted no time forging connections with Washington heavyweights and surrounding himself with skilled campaign operatives to help plot a path to 1600 Pennsylvania Ave. After wisely sitting out the 2012 race, in which Mitt Romney won just 27 percent of Latino voters after a primary filled with harsh rhetoric about illegal immigration, Rubio and his team were convinced that spearheading a comprehensive, bipartisan immigration-reform effort would earn him the party’s goodwill and position him as a 2016 front-runner. They were wrong. The conservative grassroots revolted at Rubio’s co-authorship of a pathway to citizenship for illegal immigrants, the Senate “Gang of Eight” bill collapsed, and by the summer of 2013 Rubio had become persona non grata to the same Tea Party movement that had carried him into office just three years earlier.

His star was dimmed — but hardly diminished. In a tribute to both his resilience and the stubbornness of elite impressions of his aptitude, the Florida senator found himself a top-tier contender at the outset of the 2016 race. There were reasons it should not have been so: his misreading of the base on immigration; his standing with conservatives, who had defected in droves to Ted Cruz, another charismatic Cuban-American senator with designs on the presidency; and the looming presence of friend and former mentor Jeb Bush, who was the first Republican to announce his intention to enter the race. Yet Rubio and his team began the campaign in April 2015 convinced of his unmatched talent, and bullish — bordering on cocky — about his prospects of winning the nomination and the White House.

Those dreams came crashing down Tuesday night when Rubio lost the Florida primary in a landslide to Donald Trump. The bombastic real-estate mogul, whom Rubio spent most of the campaign ignoring in hopes that he would implode, took 46 percent of the vote to Rubio’s 27 percent. After an atrocious 3-for-26 start to the primary season — the wins coming in Minnesota, Puerto Rico, and Washington, D.C. — Rubio’s campaign had hoped his home state and its 99 delegates could save him. Instead, his defeat here dealt a death blow to what will likely be remembered as one of the most underachieving campaigns in modern Republican history.

“It is clear that while we’re on the right side, this year we will not be on the winning side,” Rubio told a crowd of several hundred supporters at Florida International University. Having foregone reelection to the Senate to focus on his presidential bid, he now faces an uncertain political future. With an eye on 2020, convinced that Trump will be devastated in a general election, Rubio used his closing remarks Tuesday night to condemn the GOP front-runner in harsh terms — though not by name — for using “fear” to “prey upon” the insecurities of voters.