Richard Baehr: A peace process like any other
http://www.israelhayom.com/site/newsletter_opinion.php?id=18261
There is a broad sense of relief among pro-Israel Americans and most Israelis that the Obama years are over, and at least as far as U.S.-Israeli relations are concerned, things will be on the mend with the new Trump administration.
Barack Obama’s first call as president in 2009 was to Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas, and one of his final meaningful actions as president was the decision to abstain on the vote on U.N. Security Council Resolution 2334, thereby allowing the broad condemnation of Israeli settlements beyond the 1949 armistice line to be approved by the Security Council. The Obama’s team’s machinations on the recent Security Council vote went beyond the abstention on the actual vote. They included conversations with and visits (no doubt lobbying) with nonpermanent members of the council, and discussions with the Palestinian Authority to include some boilerplate on violence and incitement in the language that would enable the administration to defend the resolution as “balanced” enough not to require an American veto.
Two years ago, Obama joked about his bucket list of things he wanted to get done in his last years in office. He noted then that the list might be more of something that rhymes with “bucket.”
In the same spirit as singer Madonna’s comments at the Women’s March in Washington, D.C. on Saturday, the president may well have been acting out his bucket list rhyme with regard to Israel.
Obama’s belligerence toward Israel seemed obsessively focused on Israeli settlements. From the start of his time in office, administration members regularly and publicly condemned every Israeli decision at any step of an approval process to build new apartments or homes anywhere beyond the Green Line, even within the boundaries of settlements that President George W. Bush and many of the peace processors in the Clinton, Bush and even some in the Obama administration, have accepted would likely remain part of Israel if there were ever a final resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Obama, however, refused to formally accept as official U.S. policy the Bush letter of April 4, 2004 to then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, written in the preparation for the Gaza disengagement. That letter included American recognition that the 1949 armistice lines would not be the final borders if a peace deal were reached, and that the large settlements blocs near the Green Line would remain part of Israel.
”As part of a final peace settlement, Israel must have secure and recognized borders, which should emerge from negotiations between the parties in accordance with UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338. In light of new realities on the ground, including already existing major Israeli populations centers, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949, and all previous efforts to negotiate a two-state solution have reached the same conclusion. It is realistic to expect that any final status agreement will only be achieved on the basis of mutually agreed changes that reflect these realities.”
The American vote on the recent U.N. Security Council resolution means that the Obama White House regarded even Jews living in the Jewish Quarter of the Old City of Jerusalem as interlopers and illegal settlers. Both U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Samantha Power, and later Secretary of State John Kerry in a never ending whine and complaint to a cheering collection of Foggy Bottom hacks, attributed the failure to achieve a two-state solution largely to Israeli settlement activity. It was not an obstacle, but the greatest obstacle to achieving the two-state solution.
U.S. President Donald Trump has on more than one occasion described a resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as the most difficult to achieve of all deals, but one that would be worth the price of the negotiation effort, if successful. As recently as January 19, Trump all but anointed his son-in-law, White House adviser Jared Kushner, as the point person to handle those negotiations. Trump argued that if Kushner could not achieve peace, nobody can, a line that might have startled former President Bill Clinton and former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, among others.
Like his father-in-law, Kushner is an experienced real estate developer who has negotiated his way through some difficult situations. Kushner is an Orthodox Jew and took on a major role in the Trump campaign, helping prepare speeches to Jewish groups and on foreign policy.
Can Kushner have success when no one else has? In general, when Israeli leaders have felt that America was in its corner, it has been willing to make more generous offers to the Palestinians. These situations have never led to a peace agreement. That feeling that America was in its corner, was never the case in the Obama years. The new Trump administration openly declared its pro-Israel enthusiasm during the campaign, was very critical of Obama’s self-declared foreign policy legacy “achievement,” the Iran nuclear deal, and helped fight the recent U.N. Security Council resolution (at the behest of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu).
Several Trump appointees to cabinet or ambassador jobs have talked of moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem. But just like previous administrations before it, Trump seems intrigued by the possibility of being able to go for the big deal. Whether this reflects merely self-confidence or some secret sauce that has not yet been revealed, the odds are great that after a certain period of time, Trump and Kushner, and anyone else involved, will walk away in defeat.
The reasons for this are not difficult to lay out. In essence, the Palestinians have never accepted the permanence of a Jewish majority state on any part of the former mandate territory. This position has not changed in 100 years. Palestinian tactics have changed — alternating from focusing on terrorism to lawfare and international diplomacy and U.N. resolutions in order to constantly pressure the Jewish state — but the goal has remained the same. Palestinian demands are constant. The most significant is that millions of people who were not born in, nor ever lived in Israel, nor even been in the country, have a right of “return” to Israel. This gives new meaning to the concept of return.
The Palestinians must have both a Judenrein state (the Jews in the territories must all leave), as well as a right of return to Israel for many millions of Arabs, thereby potentially creating a second Arab-majority state. Then, if they wish, the Palestinians could combine the two for a single Arab-majority state, and millions of Israeli Jews will realize their future is better protected elsewhere. No Israeli government, regardless of how foolishly, peace-lovingly leftist it is, will assist in its own destruction by accepting any of this. The two-state solution for the PA means two Arab-majority states, or one. Settlements, or a few of them anyway, might be an issue if there really were a deal to be had, but there is not.
The difference between the Trump administration and the Obama administration is what happens when it becomes obvious that no deal will be achieved. Clinton blamed Arafat for the failure at Camp David. Obama blamed Israel. This was inevitable for Obama. A man of the Left, he saw every struggle as a battle between haves and have-nots, and believed that the aves always need to pay up. The Trump team does not come into power, nor begin struggling with this conflict, with such ideological blindness in its worldview. There are positive feelings and sympathy for Israel, an American ally. And it will be obvious soon enough which party has no interest in concluding a deal of any kind.
Trump has had much business success, and also some well-publicized failures. In the cases of the failures, he knew enough to walk away at some point rather than double down. The two-state solution and the latest version of the peace process will soon enough look like a bankrupt Atlantic City casino and Trump will be smart enough to walk away and stand with America’s ally, Israel, rather than Obama’s reservoir of rogue regimes — Iran, Cuba, and the PA.
Richard Baehr is the co-founder and chief political correspondent for the American Thinker and a fellow at the Jewish Policy Center.
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