RUTHFULLY YOURS

But it’s not just national politics that is losing touch with the younger people.

Regional politics too is struggling to offer the alternatives needed to pull demonstrators back from violence, with splits emerging and backroom infighting among the separatist Catalan governing coalition.

Trust in the government of Catalan president Quim Torra is ebbing away, and the sense of a leadership vacuum is prevailing, with no end in sight for the chaos on the streets.

“Politically speaking, Torra is dead. We’re the ones showing the face for them. They throw the stone, and hide the hand,” said Carlota Martínez and Clàudia Hernández, two 22-year old girls march in the streets. “We really don’t know who we are going to vote for.”

Mr Torra, who was an unknown activist before coming to power, was proposed by former president Carles Puigdemont. The Spanish courts blocked Mr Puigdemont’s bid to reclaim the post from Belgium, where he fled criticising Spain’s “unfair” judicial system.

Mr Puigdemont and all his ministers were sacked by Madrid after a failed declaration of independence in 2017, with most ending up in prison or fleeing to other European countries.

“We have no leaders,” says Roger, 23, a far-Left activist who believes that separatist parties can no longer “contain” them. “There were people like [pro-independence activist] Jordi Cuixart, but he’s now in jail.”

While political leadership is in tatters, the protest movement has its own leaders – but their identities are hidden.

“Now we have an app who tells you where to go and when,” says Marc, 17.

The anonymous protest group Tsunami Democràtic connects with its followers via Telegram and an Android app, borrowing heavily from the Hong Kong protest movement.

Police have shut down the official website of the group, but they were immediately replicated by servers hosted in other countries.

Spanish courts are already investigating Tsunami Democràtic – the group behind the occupation of the Barcelona airport on Monday – for terrorism. The same charges have been made towards seven 7 members of the Committees in Defense of the Republic (CDR) who are in pre-trial detention under accusations of making explosives.

“They accuse us of terrorism for burning dumpsters,” says 16-year-old Eric. He belongs to a generation whose earliest political memories are the 2008 great recession that severely impacted Spain and the rise of the independence movement. For him, the word “crisis” has been ingrained in his memory.

Spain’s response to the sentencing of the separatist leaders has angered even more people. “Catalonia is burning, and they’re adding fuel to the fire,” says Roger. He acknowledges that Spain’s acting Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has it difficult.

With a snap general election looming in Spain, the fourth in just as many years, Catalan independence is set to be the most heated campaign issue.

Sánchez faces growing pressure from Right-wing parties calling for tougher measures, like the suspension of Catalonia’s regional government.

The only way for Mr Sánchez to rule with a majority is to either pact with conservatives or gather support from left-wing parties, including Catalan pro-independence MPs.

He needs to convince Spaniards outside Catalonia that he is tough towards the independence movement, but at the same time Catalans must feel that he’s open to dialogue.

Since the riots started on Monday, over 200 police officers have reportedly been injured in clashes with protesters. More than 300 protesters were arrested. At least 570 people received medical treatment, and some are in hospital with severe injuries.

Amnesty International denounced the “excessive use of force” of officers against “people who posed no risk,” including dozens of journalists. Police officers used rubber bullets and tear gas on protestors on various occasions this week.