Murder Manifesto Mystery Hale planned the attack for months, but her “manifesto,” in the hands of the FBI, has yet to be released. by Lloyd Billingsley
https://www.frontpagemag.com/murder-manifesto-mystery/
On Monday, March 27, as the April 1 “Trans Day of Vengeance” approached, Audrey Hale, a woman who thinks she’s a man, shot open a locked door and entered the Covenant School in Nashville, Tennessee.
In 14 minutes, Hale fired 152 rounds from an AR-15–style rifle and 9mm Kel-Tec SUB2000. Hale shot dead Evelyn Dieckhaus, 9, Mike Hill, 61, William Kinney, 9, Katherine Koonce, 60, Cynthia Peak, 61, and Hallie Scruggs. That nine-year-old was the daughter of Chad Scruggs, senior pastor at the Covenant Presbyterian Church, on the same site as the school.
With six people dead, including three children, Hale’s attack qualifies as a mass murder, and in any murder case, the question of motive is paramount. Hale left clues in a manifesto, but trans-friendly activists sought to suppress its release. For example, Charles Moran, of Log Cabin Republicans, advocates for equal rights for LGBTQ+ Americans, warned of “serious consequences” if the manifesto was released to the public.
Enter Nashville city councilman Robert Swope, who worked as Tennessee state director for Donald Trump in 2016 and now heads the city council’s Public Safety, Beer and Regulated Beverages Committee. Swope told the New York Post that the FBI’s Behavioral Analysis Unit is working “in tandem” with the Metro Nashville Police Department to complete “a very in-depth analysis of certain aspects of the shooter’s life.”
According to the councilman, “the manifesto is going to be released. It’s just a matter of when. There are some incredibly brilliant psychological minds and psychological analysts combing through her entire life.” While revelations await, one fact is perfectly clear.
The FBI, supposed on guard 24/7 against domestic terrorism and violent extremism, failed to prevent Audrey Hale’s attack. Relatives of the victims have reason to wonder what the FBI knew and when they knew it.
The “Trans Day of Vengeance” openly served up the prospect of violence. In advance of this heavily promoted event, was the FBI tracking any person of interest who purchased multiple semi-automatic firearms? According to Nashville police, Hale planned the attack for months, “documenting plans to commit mass murder at the Covenant School.”
With all its money, resources and allegedly brilliant minds, was the FBI profiling anyone who issued threats against “transphobes” in general or Christian schools in particular? Past cases give the people cause to wonder.
In 2009, Maj. Nidal Hasan, a U.S. Army psychiatrist, was communicating with al Qaeda terrorist Anwar al Awlaki about killing Americans. As Lessons from Fort Hood, explains, the FBI knew all about it but someone in the FBI’s Washington office judged that Hasan was not a threat and called off the surveillance.
On November 5, 2009, at Fort Hood, Texas, yelling “Allahu akbar” as he fired, Hasan murdered 13 unarmed American soldiers. The unborn child of Pvt. Francheska Velez brings the death count to 14. The Obama administration famously called this “workplace violence,” not terrorism or even gun violence. In his initial statement, vice president Biden said the soldiers “fell” in a “senseless tragedy” and failed to mention a single victim.
In similar style, the FBI did nothing to prevent the terrorist attack at San Bernardino in 2015 (14 dead) and Orlando in 2016, with 49 dead. Consider also the case of Bernie Sanders supporter James Hodgkinson, who was carefully tracking Republican legislators.
On June 14, 2017, as the representatives played baseball, Hodgkinson opened fire on them with an SKS 7.62 rifle and a 9mm pistol, wounding five and nearly killing Rep. Steve Scalise.
The FBI, then under Andrew McCabe, passed off Hodgkinson’s attack as “suicide by cop,” a ludicrous claim that drew criticism from Republicans and Democrats alike.
Hodgkinson shot first at unarmed civilians. Audrey Hale shot first at innocent children and the teachers and staff who sought to protect them. With Hale’s manifesto in the hands of the FBI, relatives of the victims might consider the FBI’s record of concealing evidence in murder cases.
In February of 2020, DHS whistleblower Philip Haney, author of See Something Say Nothing: A Homeland Security Officer Exposes the Government’s Submission to Jihad, was found dead in Amador County, California. The local sheriff handed Haney’s computer, thumb drives and other materials to the FBI.
By 2023, the FBI had failed to make the material public, and at some point handed the investigation to the federal Customs and Border Protection (CPB), which has determined that Haney’s devices contained “contraband.” As this implies, the murder victim was a secret criminal, allied with foreign actors.
The Islamic terrorists Haney exposed would have motive to kill him, but no word from the FBI of any suspects. Consider also the case of Democratic National Committee staffer Seth Rich, a possible leaker of Hillary Clinton’s emails.
On July 17, 2016, Rich was gunned down on a Washington street. The FBI showed no interest in the basic questions of motive, means and opportunity, but quickly grabbed Rich’s laptop computer. In 2020, the bureau admitted that it possessed the computer and with the murder still unsolved the FBI seeks to delay release of the computer’s contents until 2088, a proxy for never.
For the FBI’s expertise in altering documents, consider the case of Kevin Clinesmith of the
Cyber Law Branch of the FBI’s Office of General Counsel in Washington, D.C. As the Department of Justice explains, “Clinesmith was assigned to provide legal support to FBI personnel working on Crossfire Hurricane,” the FBI’s covert operation against President Trump. Trump advisor Carter Page was a source for a U.S. government agency, the CIA.
Clinesmith altered an email to show that Page was “not a source,” exposing Page to surveillance by the FISA court. With materials relevant to the Nashville murders being suppressed, FBI deception becomes a factor.
Shooter Audrey Hale was white and murder victim Mike Hill was black, but racism failed to emerge as a possible motive. The Department of Justice, on alert for violent extremism, will not regard the mass murder in Nashville as a hate crime. On the establishment media side, CBS ordered staff not to describe Hale as trangender.
In his initial statement, Joe Biden said the shooting was “sick” and “heartbreaking” but failed to name a single victim. “We have to do more to stop gun violence,” said Biden, who called on Congress “to pass my assault weapons ban.” For the Delaware Democrat, as Victor Davis Hanson noted, “guns were the cause of the mass deaths, not the free will of a psychopathic killer.”
Three days after the mass murder White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre failed to name any of the victims or identify the murderer, Audrey Hale. The Biden mouthpiece did say “our hearts go out to the trans community as they are under attack right now.” In reality, they are on the attack.
As Matthew Boose notes in “Groomed to Kill,” the Democratic Party “is hellbent on feeding the malignant narcissism of the ‘trans community,’ in which they see a reliable, perpetually aggrieved voter base and a tool with which to terrorize society.” The trans community is an “unhinged cult that uses pseudoscience to main children,” and “like all totalitarian cults, the trans cult preys upon the youth.” And shoots them dead in school on a Monday morning.
Audrey Hale planned the attack for months, but her full manifesto has yet to be released. In the meantime, remember the Nashville Six and say their names: Evelyn Dieckhaus, Mike Hill, William Kinney, Katherine Koonce, Cynthia Peak, and Hallie Scruggs. The struggle of the people against trans violence is the struggle of memory against forgetting.
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