RUTHFULLY YOURS

Donald Trump’s best chance to be President has always been to make the campaign about something larger than himself—reviving the economy, replacing Antonin Scalia on the Supreme Court, defeating Islamic State, something to make the case for change to a country unhappy with the status quo. In Wednesday’s debate Mr. Trump showed what might have been had he fought more on the issues, even as he also exposed his Achilles’ heel of a thin skin and petulant ego.

Mr. Trump is never going to out-argue Hillary Clinton on details, but for much of the debate he was able to draw a contrast on philosophical direction that is his best chance to close his polling deficit. He was effective on the Supreme Court and the right to bear arms, as well as embracing the original meaning of the Constitution.

Mrs. Clinton tried to muddy her opposition to the landmark Heller case that upheld an individual right to bear arms in the Constitution, but Mr. Trump nailed her on it. She certainly would appoint Justices who will sharply curtail if not overturn Heller.

The Republican also managed to convey the large differences between the two candidates on the economy. He’d cut taxes, she’d raise them. He’d replace ObamaCare, she’d expand it. He wants to grow incomes with a stronger economy, she wants to redistribute income. Her claim that her plan would “not add a penny to the debt” was preposterous.

We think Mr. Trump is wrong on trade and his assertions on Nafta are nonsense, but he did manage to show Mrs. Clinton’s double dealing on the issue. Mrs. Clinton said she opposed the Pacific trade agreement only after she had read the text, but the WikiLeaks documents show that she had already decided to oppose it for political reasons before it was completed.

Mrs. Clinton also ducked moderator Chris Wallace’s question on the Clinton Foundation and its “pay to play” acceptance of donations from foreigners while she was Secretary of State. Mr. Trump was right to hit her and her husband for claiming to do so much for Haiti when they have mainly helped their friends to favorable contracts.

The question is whether any of this will matter given Mr. Trump’s manifest flaws in temperament. The Clinton campaign must have done some psychological profiling of Mr. Trump to figure out that his great flaw is his inability to ignore or deflect personal criticism. His GOP opponents made the mistake of trying to take him down on substance. But Mrs. Clinton has tried to disqualify him on character, and Wednesday she continued to set one bear trap after another. Mr. Trump usually walked in.

There is no shortage of serious issues swirling around Hillary Clinton that call into question her judgment, her integrity and, ultimately, her fitness to be the next president of the United States.

I have come to the conclusion that an excellent analog for Hillary would be a virus.

The term “virus” has been defined thusly:

virus |ˈvīrəs|

noun

1 an infective agent that typically consists of a nucleic acid molecule in a protein coat, is too small to be seen by light microscopy, and is able to multiply only within the living cells of a host: [ as modifier ] : a virus infection.

• an infection or disease caused by a virus.

• a harmful or corrupting influence: the virus of cruelty that is latent in all human beings.

2 (also computer virus) a piece of code that is capable of copying itself and typically has a detrimental effect, such as corrupting the system or destroying data.

As noted above, there are two basic forms of viruses, pathogens and computer viruses. Hillary acts as both a pathogen and a computer virus.

Hillary, not unlike a parasitic virus, has for decades, lived off the “host” — in this case, the United States and those who engage in apparent “play for pay” schemes and pay outrageously exorbitant honoraria and speakers fees or contribute to the Clinton Foundation.

On February 13, 2014 the Clinton Foundation posted a press release, “Clinton Foundation And Gates Foundation Partner To Measure Global Progress For Women And Girls.”

Bill Gates has been the prime force behind the effort to bring a virtually unlimited quantity of foreign high tech workers into the United States through the H-1B visa program and by other means to supplant hundreds of thousands of American workers. The press release focused on “women and girls” on the global level.

The WikiLeaks email dumps are giving voters some insights into the realities of hardball politics. It isn’t pretty. Take the recent disclosures that show how the Clinton campaign plotted to raise a bundle of campaign cash but then use the government to attack opponents for trying to do the same thing.

In an email exchange in May 2015, John Podesta, now the Clinton campaign chairman, Clinton campaign lawyer Marc Elias and other staffers including Jennifer Palmieri and Huma Abedin discussed an article claiming the Federal Election Commission was unable to curb election abuses because its bipartisan makeup led to 3-3 deadlocks.

The campaign crew had been discussing the idea of stacking the FEC with new members to end the tie votes. In the meantime, “[Marc] Elias may have some legal ideas to slow them down,” Mr. Podesta wrote. “We have 3 things we have to do. Raise the primary $ by expanding the bundler network. Get Priorities functional. Use this [theme of FEC dysfunction] to scare our people into giving bigger sums.”

Clinton campaign manager Robby Mook responded, “I agree with you, John. I think we focus hard on raising as much as we can and then throw the kitchen sink at everyone who we believe steps over the line, understanding that has limited impact.”

Marc Elias responded that he thought the article overstated the problem but noted that, “There is every reason to think DOJ will increasingly police the campaign finance laws.” He added, “Every time a GOP candidate does something even close to the line, they are hit by a complaint.”

When my late father got our citizenship papers and first American passport he paraphrased Descartes : “In America, I vote, therefore I am.” He never missed an election and died shortly after voting from Ronald Reagan in 1984 convinced that the franchise was the ultimate form of participation in a democracy.

Now, I can put up with the hyperbole and insult of those with whom I disagree. What upsets me far more is the suspicion of election fraud and the increasing evidence of dead people voting, illegal and non citizens voting, intimidation, and orchestrated violence at Trump rallies. There is documented evidence of all the above by reputable reporters and investigators.

The Republicans mostly ignore it, preferring to bash the messenger rather than protesting the truth, and the Democrats who would howl if it did not benefit their candidate dismiss it. Why wouldn’t they?

I increasingly feel that I vote but it does not count and my fear is that an increasing number of citizens will stop voting and turn to apathy rather than election choices.

We should always be on guard against presentism, but in this instance I do not hesitate to say that the upcoming presidential election is the most alarming in American history. I can make that statement with confidence because I do not believe the most disturbing aspect of the election is the choice of candidates – even though the two major party nominees present the worst choice the American people have faced in my lifetime (Eisenhower was president when I was born), and perhaps ever.

The reason this is such a frightening election is that the Constitution’s mechanisms for reining in or ousting a rogue president are in tatters.

We are not supposed to have transformative elections, contests that will forever change our system of government or enable government to orchestrate cultural upheaval. The Constitution is supposed to be our guarantee against that.

A couple of years ago, I wrote a book called Faithless Execution in an attempt to explain this and campaign, in my own small way, for a restoration. The theory I posited was straightforward. Among the greatest fears of those who founded our constitutional republic was that the powerful new office they were creating, the President of the United States, could be a path to authoritarianism and eventual tyranny. Much of the deliberation over the drafting and adoption of the new Constitution was dedicated to ensuring adequate safeguards against that possibility.

The Constitution’s aim is to preserve liberty and self-determination. Its prescription for doing so is to constrain government (and thus increase the realm of free, unregulated activity) by limiting and dividing governmental powers. Federal authority was balanced by states that maintained sovereign power. The limited powers delegated to the federal government were divided among three branches, each given sufficient inherent authority that it could not be overwhelmed by the others.