The Obama administration is not the first to stick itself into an Israeli election process. During the Clinton administration, when for a short period there was a direct election of the prime minster, the White House was happy to send over its most savvy and experienced campaign team, including pollster Stanley Greenberg, James Carville and Bob Shrum, to help Labor Party leader Ehud Barak oust Benjamin Netanyahu in his re-election bid in 1999. The White House had also favored Shimon Peres in his race against Netanyahu in 1996, which Netanyahu narrowly won.
Demonstrating that Democratic U.S. presidents continue to want Netanyahu out of the way, some of the same campaign team from 15 years back, including Stanley Greenberg, are again descending on Israel to help the current Labor Party leader Isaac Herzog try to oust the prime minister in the March 17 elections. Of course, American campaign operatives are free agents, and have not been ordered to report for duty in Israel by either President Barack Obama or Secretary of State John Kerry. But the campaign messaging as to the favored party from the American perspective is nonetheless pretty clear. There was a time when both Democrats and Republicans by and large supported Israel’s elected leader, whether that leader was from the Right or the Left, and kept out of Israel’s elections. It was generally a bit tougher for American administrations if Israel’s leader was from the Right, but today any pretense of equal treatment is long past. The same splits and partisanship which now divide American politics have carried over to how American officials try to participate in and influence Israeli elections.
Both Obama and Netanyahu came into office in 2009. They had vastly different agendas and expectations of each other. Netanyahu wanted America to focus first on stopping Iran’s nuclear program, which it considered an existential threat. Obama wanted Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians and stop settlement construction. In essence, Obama wanted to bring American policy more into line with that of the Europeans and the “international community,” which was always ready to blame the absence of peace on Israel, and in particular on Israeli building in the West Bank and Jerusalem. Obama also wanted something much bigger than a halt to Iran’s nuclear program — but rather a new American and Western relationship with Iran, creating a strategic partnership with the mullahs, much as say Henry Kissinger accomplished with China in the early 1970s.