WHERE IS KHALID SAFFURI?
http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/publications/id.7505/pub_detail.asp
September 29, 2010
Khaled Saffuri: Where is He Now?
Gary H. Johnson, Jr.
Before the 2000 election, which yielded a George W. Bush White House, a conservative political lobbyist named Grover Norquist began working toward a Muslim outreach strategy for the Republican Party, helping to establish the Islamic Free Market Institute, known today as the Islamic Institute. Grover Norquist served as the Chairman of the Board, while co-founder Khaled Saffuri (pictured) served as the Islamic Institute’s Executive Director.
From Norquist’s perspective, Muslims were natural allies to the Republican party in America due to their conservative views, even claiming in a June 2001 American Spectator article that the Muslim vote in Florida carried the state for Bush. In 2003, the energetic push by Norquist to aggressively recruit Muslims to the Republican cause led to a feud in the conservative camp in America, when Frank Gaffney spoke to his serious concern of a Wahhabist connection to the Bush White House at the Arlington, Virginia CPAC conference, singling out Ali Tulbah, the associate director for cabinet affairs, whose father ran a Wahhabist-oriented and funded mosque in Houston, Texas.
According to a March 2003 article by Byron York of National Review, “[the] Norquist-Gaffney feud, some conservatives fear, might be just the first act of a very long play.” On September 13, 2010, the Center for Security Policy, led by Frank Gaffney, released a 177-page salvo in the feud entitled “Shariah: The Threat to America” (pdf) as an exercise in competitive analysis, challenging the current official line in Washington, D.C. that coins the totalitarian threat of jihadi terrorism as “violent extremism”. York’s article has proven prophetic – the play is in its seventh year.
Khaled Saffuri’s connections to Islamic terrorism provide for concerned Americans a road map to understanding the penetration methodology of the Muslim Brotherhood’s stealth jihad in the U.S. political scene. Before linking up with Grover Norquist, Khaled Saffuri was involved in the American Muslim Council. Saffuri’s boss, Abdurahman Alamoudi, the Executive Director of the AMC, utilized his links with over 20 Muslim organizations in America to peddle influence in the Clinton White House.
For those concerned over the Hasan Nadal rampage at Fort Hood, the Center for Security Policy Shariah report notes that by 1993 Alamoudi parlayed his success in political activity into a lead role in establishing the Muslim Chaplain program for the Department of Defense, serving as an unpaid advisor on the appointment and approval of Muslim Chaplains for the Pentagon. Five years later, Alamoudi would provide Grover Norquist with $20,000 to help create the Islamic Free Market Institute. A further five years down the road, in 2003, Alamoudi would be captured with over a quarter million dollars in funds from Libya’s Qaddafi, earmarked to support jihad. He is currently serving a 23 year prison sentence for his role in a Libyan plot to assassinate Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah.
In Alamoudi’s capacity as a peddler of influence and pull, he networked the Muslim organizations of America with the Democratic Establishment, organized the creation and movement of a million dollars for al Qaeda, and also set the stage for Khaled Saffuri to infiltrate and wire the Muslim Brotherhood movement to the Republican power players.
Additionally, Saffuri’s Palestinian roots also find him associated with the known Hamas terrorist supporter Sami Al-Arian. According to the CSP report on the Shariah Threat (page 76):
“Alamoudi was among a group of Muslim Brotherhood operatives who were invited on May 1, 2000 to meet with Bush in the Texas governor’s mansion. Saffuri was designated the Bush campaign’s Muslim outreach coordinator and Norquist assisted another prominent Brother, Sami al-Arian, to obtain a commitment from candidate Bush that, if elected, he would prohibit the use of classified intelligence evidence in deportation proceedings.”
Three years later Sami al-Arian, the University of South Florida professor, would be brought up on charges of supporting Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
Notably, in March 2004, Kenneth Timmerman released an article in Insight Magazine questioning whether Saffuri was getting a bum rap through guilt by association, revealing al-Arian and Alamoudi’s secondary status to the Marjac Group in importance, stating :
“Far more disturbing to national-security analysts are Saffuri’s long-standing ties to Jamal Barzinji, an Iraqi who heads a network of investment companies and nonprofit groups that have been targeted by the Greenquest task force investigating terrorist-related fund raising. Barzinji’s Marjac group of investment companies and the various charities he heads share office space, accountants and interlocking boards.”
Included in this nest of Herndon, Virginia companies operating out of 555 Grove Street are the International Islamic Relief Organization, the World Assembly of Muslim Youth (WAMY), and al-Haramain – all of which were placed on the Treasury Department’s list of companies that support al Qaeda. Timmerman further relates that Saffuri admits to meeting Barzinji in 1988. Barzinji’s top aide was Alamoudi.
Khaled Saffuri is a talented lobbyist and fundraiser with a teflon suit. His connections to the Muslim world’s terrorists always seem to involve a degree or two of separation. However, what is apparent is that his thrust is towards inculcating himself and his organizations to the Republican establishment. In the effort to track his associations and efforts to insinuate himself into the political forefront and rise as a power broker on the main stage, Americans need to ask themselves “Where is Saffuri now?” Indeed, if the Center for Security Policy is correct in its assessment that Khaled Saffuri is an agent of the Muslim Brotherhood, working toward a stealth jihad, then it is likely that he has positioned himself for a support role in his current position.
Have you ever heard of The MITA Group?
Currently, Khaled Saffuri is working for a practically unknown lobby firm called The MITA Group, with headquarters in Vienna, Virginia and Washington, D.C. The Executive Partners of The MITA Group include William D. Harris, who served in 2008, according to the group’s website, “as Senator McCain’s National Convention Director and as a senior advisor to the campaign.” Also on the Partner list is James H. Hunt, who founded and acted as the CEO of Ernst & Young Technologies before selling it to Cap Gemini Technologies and serving as its President. Another lobbyist on the Partner board is Edward B. Stewart, who spent ten years “as a senior official at the International Republican Institute,” during which time he “served as the director for Asian/Middle Eastern Affairs and later, Director of African Affairs.” Working with Congress, the Executive Branch and foreign leaders allows Stewart a unique vantage to offer lobbying services to overseas clientele. MITA partner Don Begley was instrumental in securing “lucrative contracts at the Department of Homeland Security and the United States Citizen and Immigration Services” while at Siebel Systems. Frank Anderson, another lobbying partner, served 27 years in the CIA and www.mitagroup.com actually advertises that “He has a current TOP SECRET/SCI security clearance.” To close out the partner list, Armand DeKeyser has worked as the Chief of Staff for RINOs Jeff Sessions and Bob Corker at the Senate Level.
Khaled Saffuri is currently an Advisory Partner at The MITA Group. According to the company website, Saffuri’s “unique combination of working experience in the United States and across the Middle Eastern region…provides international business and government clients with unparalleled strategic and public affairs consulting services.”
Saffuri was positioned for success in 2008 as a partner at The MITA Group regardless of the outcome of the presidential election. If McCain won, he was in line with William Harris for a shot at the crown. If McCain lost, he was positioned to provide Islamic states with backing to achieve U.S. government contracts, not to mention to work with Shariah Compliant Finance firms to achieve penetration into the American markets at the most sensitive levels.
The MITA Group specializes in helping its clients (1) accelerate their businesses, (2) bring their issues to Congress and the White House, (3) target Federal sales opportunities, (4) utilize cutting edge technologies and tools, and (5) find investors and sales niches in the national security market.
The current gateway for these activities is a company called Alansa International, LLC located in Oakton, Virginia of which The MITA Group has been a partner since 2009. Alansa Global is a company whose sole purpose is to provide consultative writing services for companies who seek grants and contracts from the U.S. Government. Alansa’s small staff provides technical writing and persuasive writing services to their clients who seek government contracts, and succeed in gaining contracts from the government primarily due to a partnership with Burdeshaw Associates, Ltd. Burdeshaw has been providing Defense consulting services with their bevy of hundreds of retired American military officers, government civilians and corporate execs for over three decades, the weight of whose signatures and influence virtually guarantees a hearing before Congressional review boards for Alansa’s clientele.
Feuds have a logic bound by pride and one-upmanship. At present Gaffney has snatched the lead in the contest. The power of the Center for Security Policy’s Team B II report demands a rebuttal from the Norquist camp as the battle for the soul of America’s conservative camp slides into year eight.
FamilySecurityMatters.org Contributing Editor Gary H. Johnson is a researcher and consultant on jihad at the Victory Institute.
Reader Comments: Submit Your Comment (0) | Sign Up for FSM Updates
Comments are closed.
