‘The existential danger for Israel now threatens Europe’ Geert Wilders explains why Europe’s anti-Israel sentiment may no longer be on the rise, and why the political wave led by Trump will bring global change. Ariel Bulshtein
https://www.israelhayom.com/2025/02/06/the-existential-danger-for-israel-now-threatens-europe/
Anyone checking Geert Wilders’s Twitter account last week might have mistaken it for an Israeli feed. As millions of citizens in Israel shed tears of joy with the families of Karina, Daniella, Liri and Naama—the female IDF lookouts released from Hamas captivity, the Dutch politician posted their photos accompanied by four hearts and an Israeli flag, with two hashtags: Israel and Freedom.
Though we’ve grown accustomed to the Dutch politician’s unequivocal support for Israel in times of both joy and sorrow, his gestures continue to surprise. Unlike most of his political colleagues, Wilders, 61, doesn’t calculate political expedience. He stands with Israel because he believes it’s morally right, regardless of the cost. The two hashtags he attached to his post about the released hostages are, in his view, one and the same.
In an interview with Israel Hayom, Wilders predicts a bright future for these two causes dear to his heart—Israel and freedom—and points to the White House. He’s convinced that Donald Trump’s presidency marks the beginning of a wave.
“This wave actually started during his first term. Though he didn’t win by a significant margin then, as he did this time, the political effects of his first victory were felt in Europe and beyond, and now his sweeping victory is creating an unprecedented wave. Even his opponents know he’s at his strongest point and will have to live with this wave.
“After all, this isn’t some remote country but the United States of America, the world’s strongest superpower and NATO’s central member, so the wave is inevitable and will have all kinds of implications—political, security, and cultural. Add to this Trump’s fight against woke ideology and his professional, calculated attempt to withdraw from various unrealistic international agreements, like the climate accord—he’s changing the world in almost every aspect, not just the U.S.”
When asked if we’re at the beginning of an entirely new political era, Wilders responds, “That’s an excellent question, really. Generally, I believe Trump’s return to the White House signals a major shift in global politics, both geopolitically and on every other level. The U.S. has a new president, whom I applaud and respect, if only for putting his people first. Fighting for your people, their sovereignty, their interests—that should be the purpose of politics. Not everything he proposes will benefit Europe, and Holland in particular—we’ll oppose some ideas—yet I can say we lack leaders and elected officials who put their nations first, so I commend Trump for this, and it’s indeed a good example for many others.”
Power to effect change
Wilders emphasizes that the phenomenon he’s pointing to isn’t unique to the U.S.—it’s in full swing in Europe and has materialized in the Netherlands, where his party garnered more votes than any other in the recent election.
“The same kind of political forces—conservative to varying degrees, right-wing, patriotic—are winning elections. There are naturally differences between countries, but the real change is evident. Trump’s return to the presidency is a positive change for the world, for Europe, and for Israel’s existence. His entire worldview features a central characteristic that’s surely important to my friends in Israel: Trump is the best American president Israel could have hoped for. He’s a great supporter of you and your interests. He believes in Israel, he believes in a Jewish state.
“Just look at how he helped secure the hostage release deal. I’m aware of criticism about the deal, but without Trump, it wouldn’t have been possible. Trump will defend Israel more than anyone else. He won’t show friendliness toward hostile states like Iran, he won’t act with appeasement like the Europeans or like the previous American administration regarding Iran or other Islamist states and organizations that aspire to destroy Israel. In one of his first decisions, Trump canceled the sanctions that the Biden administration had imposed on individuals and entities from Judea and Samaria.”
Judea and Samaria—that’s exactly how Wilders said it. Unlike many foreign statesmen, even the friendly ones, he doesn’t need the artificial term “West Bank.” He, unlike many others, knows the reality in this region firsthand, not from the brainwashing of anti-Israel elements or international organizations that provide platforms for various libels against Israel. In his youth, Wilders volunteered at Moshav Tomer in the Jordan Valley, where he worked and lived for about a year. Recently, during a visit to Israel, he returned to Samaria and learned about the importance of maintaining control there, touring what was once the Green Line and observing Israel’s “narrow waist” from before 1967.
When asked whether the European and Israeli Left, which happily adopted woke ideology because it came from the U.S., would now embrace new trends as the winds from America shift, Wilders says, “I’m afraid it doesn’t work that way with the left [smiles]. They won’t admit to mistakes. Woke ideology is the suicide of national culture and national identity in so many ways. For years, citizens have understood the damage, and only left-wing intellectuals and the media refused to acknowledge it. People don’t like to lose and change ideology, so woke supporters will resist, and it will take some time, but woke-ism will remain with very low support. If you talk to people on the street in Holland, and I’m sure the situation is similar in Israel, most have no connection to woke ideology.”
Regarding why no European country shows such a sharp rightward turn as what we’re witnessing in the U.S., Wilders says, “I envy the U.S. My party won the Dutch elections by a large margin, like Trump. In a two-party system like in the U.S., that’s enough, but not with us.
“Trump can change everything, hundreds of changes in one day, sometimes through presidential orders, while we—in Holland, Israel and most European countries—must negotiate, build coalitions and seek compromises. Even within one political camp, there are four or five parties, requiring agreements, which is why changes are so slow and few. Fortunately, Trump won, the Senate and Congress are with him, and he doesn’t need compromises. He can decide and implement changes—that’s an example we need to learn from.”
When asked about Benjamin Netanyahu’s leadership and whether it aligns with the new wave he described, Wilders says, “I think Netanyahu is one of the strongest leaders. I’m not a prime minister, but as head of the largest party, I know how difficult it is to manage and how slowly things move when you need a coalition. Israel is the only democracy in the Middle East, it’s an example for all of us, and to form a government with a majority, you must compromise with various parties. And yet, look at what he has managed to achieve.
“He was attacked by the previous American president Biden, attacked by Russia, attacked by the left in Israel, attacked by almost everyone, and despite this, he defeated Hezbollah, nearly completed dismantling Hamas’s capabilities, and delivered blows that made Iran weaker than ever before. He has done more in the war against the enemies of humanity, against radical Islam, than everything the European Union and the previous American administration did over decades. And all this under the constraints and limitations of a coalition government system and weekly demonstrations against his government. He fought for the interests of the State of Israel and the Jewish people, and he did it fantastically. I have enormous respect for him, and sometimes he doesn’t get all the credit he deserves.”
Logic will prevail
Since the Dutch general election in November 2023, Wilders has learned firsthand how difficult it is to govern and fulfill promises to voters when you need a coalition. His Party of Freedom achieved remarkable results—nearly a quarter of Dutch voters supported it—leaving all other parties far behind.
But the lengthy coalition negotiations haven’t made things easier for the party leader. Additional parties from the center and right of the political map agreed to form a government with the Party of Freedom, but only on condition that Wilders would not serve as prime minister.
If that wasn’t enough, not all components of the eventually formed government agree with his resolute positions regarding Israel. During its brief existence, we’ve been disappointed by some of its ministers at least twice—during the Muslim riots against Maccabi Tel Aviv fans in Amsterdam‘s streets, and when government spokespersons threatened to enforce the International Criminal Court‘s arrest warrants and detain Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant if they came to the Netherlands. In both cases, the government’s conduct was opposite to Wilders’s position.
“Our government has only been in power for six months, and all four parties in the coalition are very different, so we had to compromise,” he explains the difficulty. “Holland’s immigration policy needs change and we demanded additional changes, but naturally the other parties had demands too. It’s not simple, but we’re achieving some of our goals. The longer the coalition holds, the more we’ll know how to do and change. In coalitions of this type, it’s difficult to implement policy changes quickly. This is the situation across Europe, except for [Prime Minister Viktor] Orbán’s Hungary, because his party managed to secure more than half the parliamentary seats.
“There are many parties similar to mine that won elections or gained significant strength, but the coalition structure prevents them from governing. The direction is right, and it will continue: Trump’s actions, our work in Holland, Orban’s work, Netanyahu’s work in Israel—they all create additional motivation. In Europe, except for Britain, there are no two-party systems. This delays changes but doesn’t prevent them, and we still manage to advance our goals. If you had said a few years ago that my party would be in government, people would have gone crazy.”
When asked whether we need to wait for the next election, when he’ll be elected prime minister, to see the Dutch embassy moved to Israel’s capital, Wilders stresses, “We demanded and included in our coalition agreement, in addition to a paragraph declaring our friendship with Israel, examining the possibility of moving the Dutch embassy to Jerusalem during the government’s four-year term. It hasn’t happened yet, but the term has just begun.
Unfortunately, support for Israel in the E.U., and even in Holland, isn’t that popular. Many in the West aren’t among Israel’s friends, partly due to prolonged mass immigration from Muslim countries, and left-wing parties are becoming dependent on such voters. This doesn’t affect my positions, of course. If you truly believe in something, if you’re someone’s friend, as I am Israel’s friend for so many reasons, you won’t let circumstances influence you. I’ve always supported Israel and been proud of it.”
Regarding those immigrants who hate Israel also hating others, Wilders notes, “Exactly. Because of immigration from Islamic countries, our culture, humanism based on Judaism and Christianity, is under attack.
“The problem is that many European politicians stopped believing in culture and the nation-state idea, which preserves the identity and culture of the people who established the state. This took the form of cultural relativism, a dangerous approach suggesting all cultures are equal, while simultaneously the E.U. sought to take authority from nation-states.
“But democracy needs the nation-state. Just like Theodor Herzl, who believed Israel should be established as the Jewish people’s nation-state to preserve their identity and enable Jewish self-determination and self-governance, I believe we need this in Europe too.”
On how those who advocated abandoning nation-states in Europe promised it would reduce antisemitism, while we’re actually seeing a surge in Jew-hatred in Europe, Wilders doubles down.
“Due to immigration from Muslim countries, antisemitism in Europe is rising. I’m shocked that after October 7, instead of seeing European capitals filled with masses demanding protection for Israel and support for the Jewish people in their struggle against terror and antisemitism, we witnessed millions with the wrong flags—Hezbollah flags, PLO flags, and even Hamas flags. They supported terrorists. Instead of opposing the violence manifested on October 7, they came out against Israel. The existential danger threatening Israel for decades has become an existential danger for Europe.
“We must stand against it—not just to oppose antisemitism and support Israel, but to save ourselves. We might be in bigger trouble than you today, the danger looming over us is just less tangible and visible than the war forced upon you.
“But the public isn’t blind, they identify it—see the danger to Jews, see the danger to women, see the danger to our security, culture, and education. Therefore, I’m optimistic. We’ll win this struggle. The logic of the majority will prevail, as it did in the U.S. with Trump’s election, and as it did in Israel with Netanyahu’s election,” Wilders says.
“When suggested that despite his optimism, parts of Europe seem lost, Wilders says, “Yes, if you visit Sweden’s Malmo, parts of Brussels, Amsterdam or Paris, it feels like you’ve arrived in an Arab country. But I’m a politician, so I must be positive. If we give up, how can we expect the public to fight? We must show leadership and ensure that even if sometimes it seems we’re too late and the battle is lost, we don’t have the privilege to think that way.
“On the other hand, we can’t lose more time. We must be alert and strong, must lead and take the right steps to survive, culturally and physically. We mustn’t forget there are many immigrants who behave properly and respectfully, integrate and live normal lives. We must respect them, and naturally they’re welcome to stay, but for those who don’t—we must treat the matter with utmost seriousness.
“A study by one of the Dutch universities revealed that between 60% and 70% of Muslims in Holland prefer sharia law over state laws, and 10% even want to fight to achieve this. That’s more than 100,000 people, twice the number of soldiers in our army. They’re not actively fighting us today, but their worldview directs them to fight if they see the need.
“They’re not yet a majority, but this will be an enormous problem requiring immediate attention. We saw what happened when they decided to attack Maccabi Tel Aviv fans and hunt Jews in Amsterdam, in my country, like in World War II. It’s shocking and shameful. Not all Muslims here are like that, but with those who are, we must deal harshly,” Wilders says.
Target for Islamists
When asked what Israel needs to do to recreate the almost automatic support it enjoyed in Western European countries during the Cold War, Wilders adopts a sad tone.
“Unfortunately, the times of automatic support ended long ago. I recommend you stand your ground and not fear European politics. Don’t seek unnecessary battles, but don’t exaggerate Europe’s opinion’s importance, certainly not when Trump is in the White House and you’re much less dependent on Europeans.
“This didn’t start today either. I recently read the Venice Declaration, the E.U.’s first declaration on Middle East affairs, which first outlined the Union’s common policy lines back in 1980. I found terrible things regarding Israel, and believe me—it hasn’t changed since. European politicians always found ways to attack and criticize Israel, often for internal European political considerations. On the other hand, you now have many friends. Do what’s good for you and focus on them. I’m one of them, perhaps the best of them.”
Wilders is less eager to discuss the price he pays for supporting Israel and for standing by principles and speaking truth, even if it angers those who don’t want it. The price is heavy, and not just metaphorically. In September 2024, a Dutch court convicted two Pakistani political and religious leaders of incitement and death threats for calling to murder him and promising those who would take on the mission a fine reward in the afterlife.
A year earlier, another Pakistani was convicted of a similar offense and sentenced to 12 years in prison after publicly calling for people to murder the Dutch Party of Freedom leader.
“They probably will never serve their sentence,” says Wilders, who knows Pakistan won’t extradite those plotting to assassinate him, and might not even restrict their movements. He also knows there are many such people.
“Twenty years have passed since the murder of Theo van Gogh, a Dutch filmmaker who produced a film about Ayaan Hirsi Ali and the phenomenon of violence against women in Muslim society in Holland,” Wilders recalls.
“Since then, both she and I have been under constant threats from Islamist terrorists. I remember how officers armed with machine guns took me and my wife from our home to a military barracks because they couldn’t protect us at home. I haven’t slept in my home for 20 years. We’re forced to stay in a secure house provided by the authorities and move everywhere only under heavy security.
“I no longer remember my life as it was before I needed 24/7 police protection. In recent years alone, four or five fatwas have been issued against me, demanding every Muslim assassinate me and my family. These are very serious threats: I was on the assassination target list of Al-Qaeda, ISIS, the Taliban and Islamists in Pakistan, all just because I speak and act for freedom through completely democratic means.
“I believe in freedom, and I want to give my country freedom. I know certain ideologies, especially those that don’t allow their supporters to recant and leave (as Islam mandates death for those who leave), don’t like the idea of freedom. But freedom is dearer to me than anything, so I’ll continue to support Israel, the only free state in the Middle East, and freedom in my country. I pay an impossible price for this, but I don’t regret it because I know I’m doing the right thing.”
Originally published by Israel Hayom.
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