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Ruth King

Canada: Who, Please, Are We Helping? by Sohail Raza

At this fraught time in the history of Islamist radicalism, extremism and terrorism, it is important that Canadian authorities — especially the police and security services — not inadvertently confer legitimacy and credibility on organizations and individuals whose histories and associations raise legitimate questions about their ideological background, links and agendas.

According to a US court, “The Government has produced ample evidence to establish the associations of CAIR, ISNA and NAIT with HLF, the Islamic Association for Palestine (“IAP”), and with Hamas.” Under Canadian and US law, Hamas is a designated terrorist organization.

In July 2013, CAIR-CAN announced its change of name to the National Council of Canadian Muslims (NCCM), some specialists regarding this as a way of masking the connection to CAIR or to its history as part of CAIR

Like its American mother organization, NCCM/CAIR-CAN has on occasion been thought to embrace a victimhood narrative that risks alienating Muslims in general — and Muslim youth, in particular — from their non-Muslim fellow citizens. The propagating of the word “Islamophobia” has been regarded as especially unhelpful, and condemned by some as a means of silencing Muslims and non-Muslims who would warn of the growing hazards of Islamist radicalism, extremism and terrorism.

At this fraught time in the history of Islamist radicalism, extremism and terrorism, it is important that Canadian public authorities — especially the police and security services — not inadvertently confer legitimacy and credibility on organizations and individuals whose histories and associations raise legitimate questions about their ideological background, links and agendas.

One way in which authorities unintentionally assist in building the credibility of undeserving groups and individuals is by sponsoring and attending meetings and events involving such persons and organizations. It is therefore important for those in positions of authority to acquit themselves properly of their responsibility to meet due diligence obligations, when it comes to screening those involved in such events.

Why Was Iran Given Secret Exemptions from Key Nuclear-Deal Requirements? by Fred Fleitz

In an important report issued yesterday, the Institute for Science and International Security, a Washington, D.C. arms-control think tank, revealed that Iran was secretly granted exemptions to the July 2015 nuclear agreement (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or JCPOA) so it could meet compliance requirements for what the agreement calls “Implementation Day” – when Iran was to receive an estimated $150 billion in sanctions relief.

Not coincidentally, the same day Implementation Day was announced (January 18), U.S. officials also announced a swap of 18 Iranian prisoners held by the United States for five U.S. citizens who had been illegally held by Iran. An additional 14 Iranians were removed from an INTERPOL wanted list.

The Institute report cites an unnamed official who said that without these exemptions, some of Iran’s nuclear facilities would not have been in compliance with the JCPOA by Implementation Day.

The exemptions were granted by the JCPOA’s “Joint Commission,” composed of the parties to the agreement: Iran, the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, China, and Russia. Some of the exemptions were significant and allowed Iran to not report activities with nuclear weapons-related applications. These exemptions were:

Allowing Iran to violate a cap of 300 kg for its enriched-uranium stockpile under certain circumstances. The Commission gave Iran an exemption for reactor-grade enriched UF6 (uranium hexafluoride, the feed material for enrichment centrifuges) in the form of low-level and sludge waste. This may have been a minor violation although the report said the amount of this material is unknown.

Ignoring “lab contaminant” UF6 enriched to 20 percent uranium-235 judged as “unrecoverable.” Although this may also be a minor violation, the report says the amount of this material and how it was judged unrecoverable is not known.

Exemption for large “hot cells.” The JCPOA allows Iran to operate or build hot cells (shielded chambers used to handle radioactive substances), but to ensure they are used for peaceful purposes such as producing medical radionuclides, Iran agreed that for 15 years these cells will be limited to no more than six cubic meters. The Commission gave Iran an exemption to operate 22 larger hot cells. According to the Institute report, these larger cells could be secretly misused for plutonium-separation experiments. The Institute also raised concerns that the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is not adequately monitoring Iran’s hot cells and that Iran is exploiting this exemption to win approval to operate more hot cells with volumes greater than six cubic meters. This is a potentially serious exemption because plutonium-separation experiments have only one purpose: developing the capability to produce plutonium nuclear-weapons fuel. The report also noted two other secret decisions by the Joint Commission.

The Long War’s Long End of the Beginning by Andrew E. Harrod

The fifteen years following September 11, 2001, demonstrate that the free world is still struggling to understand the various jihadist threats that achieved such global notoriety in this day’s mother of all terrorist attacks. Yet slowly but surely citizens are comprehending centuries-old Islamic ideologies that are once again assaulting free societies, a sign of hope after years of policy mistakes and politically correct “Islamophobia” taboos..

Al Qaeda’s hijackings in this black September awoke wrenched America from a halcyon “holiday from history” derided by many like former CIA Director James Woolsey. While many who have come of age since 9/11 condemn an ensuing “endless war,” he complained that his commander-in-chief, President William Clinton, payed little attention to national security. Yet his notorious playboy manners inside and outside of the Oval Office seemed to befit the relative peace and prosperity of the long decade from the Berlin Wall’s fall on 11/9/1989 to 9/11/2001.

Clinton’s successor, George W. Bush, was thankfully made of sterner stuff for what would soon be sterner times, but history would pass critical judgment upon his neo-Wilsonian strategies for dealing with the Islamic world’s various dangers. Perhaps giddy with American “hyperpower” in a historic “unipolor moment,” this evangelical Texan sought to replicate Republican icon Ronald Reagan, whose Cold War defeat of Communism liberated millions. Efforts to extend a Kantian zone of peace would attract supposedly huddling Muslim masses yearning to breathe free away from the poverty and perils of dictatorships and religious fanaticism.

Costly expenditures of blood and treasure in Afghanistan and Iraq with little result dashed any hope of these countries celebrating Francis Fukuyama’s End of History. His often misunderstood and maligned thesis rightfully noted that free societies had proven their superiority in good governance over all ideological competitors like Communism. Yet as his own reservations about the Iraq war indicated, many Muslims presently eschew such empirical evidence in favor of faith-based adherence to various sharia-supremacist illiberal beliefs.

Although Bush’s experience seemed to influence little President Barack Obama’s disastrous Libyan humanitarian intervention that left behind a jihadist-dominated country, his disengagement policies often personified an anti-Bush. Obama’s Vice President Joe Biden incongruously declared Iraq an Obama Administration success before Obama’s troop withdrawal helped unravel a dearly-won tenuous peace there. Meanwhile his lesson from Bush’s Iraq war of “don’t do stupid s-t” hardly produced any discernibly better results as Iraq’s neighbor Syria broke apart in a bloody regional war between Shiites and Sunnis. Most importantly, Obama’s enablement of Iran’s power and nuclear ambitions is only strengthening the Middle East’s most dangerous jihadist state.

Soviet documents ‘show Abbas was KGB agent’; Fatah decries ‘smear campaign’

Israeli researchers: Notes from USSR archivist who defected indicate PA president was working for Soviets in Damascus in 1980s while Putin’s current Mideast envoy was stationed there

Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas was a Soviet spy in Damascus in the 1980s, Israel’s Channel 1 television reported Wednesday, citing information it said was included in an archive smuggled out of the USSR.

According to Channel 1’s foreign news editor Oren Nahari, the famed Mitrokhin archive, kept by KGB defector Vasily Mitrokhin, revealed that Abbas was a Soviet mole in Damascus in 1983.The documents — obtained by Israeli researchers Isabella Ginor and Gideon Remez — purportedly show that Abbas, code-named Krotov (mole), was involved with the Soviets while Mikhail Bogdanov, today Vladimir Putin’s envoy to the Middle East. was stationed in Damascus.

Bogdanov was caught in a diplomatic tussle earlier this week after trying to broker a summit between Abbas and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Moscow, who both claimed a willingness to meet while decrying the other for allegedly refusing.

Mitrokhin was a senior KGB archivist who defected to the UK in 1992, and his edited notes on various KGB operations were released in 2014. His handwritten notes remain classified by MI5.

The archivist’s notes on the KGB are considered among the most complete information available on Soviet intelligence operations. He claimed that the KGB recruited the then head of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Wadi Haddad, as an agent in the 1970s.

His writings also revealed that Haddad, operating under the code name NATSIONALIST, was given Soviet assistance in funding and arming the PFLP.

Norman Podhoretz, the last remaining ‘anti-anti Trump’ neoconservative The former editor of Commentary says he has ‘no admiration’ for Trump, but deems him the ‘lesser evil’ compared to Clinton By Eric Cortellessa

WASHINGTON — Throughout Donald Trump’s improbable rise to the Republican nomination, self-proclaimed Jewish neocons have mostly responded aghast. From William Kristol and Robert Kagan to Joshua Muravchick and Max Boot, the notion of a President Trump has been more than a little too much to bear.

Kristol has worked incessantly to recruit an alternative to run as an independent candidate; Kagan wrote an op-ed in The Washington Post saying Trump is bringing fascism to America; both Muravchick and Boot have said they plan to vote for Hillary Clinton; and Boot has insisted that Trump killed the Republican Party.

And yet, one of the intellectual godfathers of neoconservatism disagrees with all of them. When it comes to this roller coaster of a presidential election and the man who continues to confound virtually all of the political class, Norman Podhoretz is not exactly Pollyanna, but he does think the choice is easy, and that the vast majority of his ideological descendants are making a mistake by not embracing the GOP nominee.

“Many of the younger — they’re not so young anymore — neoconservatives have gone over to the Never Trump movement. And they are extremely angry with anybody who doesn’t share their view,” he recently told The Times of Israel. “But I describe myself as anti-anti Trump. While I have no great admiration for him, to put it mildly, I think she’s worse. Between the two, he’s the lesser evil.”

In a wide-ranging phone interview last week, the former longtime editor of Commentary magazine discussed what he thinks of the race and its implications for Israel. A critic of the Clintons since they gained national prominence decades ago, Podhoretz said the former secretary of state’s role in creating the conditions for the Iran nuclear deal is itself enough reason to support her rival.

Hezbollah’s Horror Weapon and Its Remedy by David Goldman

The canonical definition of the Yiddish word chutzpah involves a man who murders his parents and then asks for clemency because he is an orphan. An unprecedented degree of chutzpah informs the machinations of radical Muslims, who engineer humanitarian disasters and then demand that the West intervene to save them. In his recent book Mission Failure, Prof. Michael Mandelbaum of Johns Hopkins University points to the first instance of this tactic: the Kosovo Liberation Army persuaded Bill Clinton’s Secretary of State Madeline Albright to make war on the Serbs by provoking them into killing a hundred or two civilians.

Most of Clinton’s cabinet didn’t want to support the KLA, which made its money in narcotics and human trafficking, and they didn’t want to divide the sovereign state of Serbia—a precedent that Russia later used to justify its seizure of the Crimea. Nonetheless the moral blackmail succeeded, and Muslim radicals learned how to push the guilt button of the West.

My review-essay on Mandelbaum’s book appears in the Summer 2016 issue of Claremont Review of Books. Although I find much to disagree with, his reading of the salient events is incisive. His argument intersects with my warning just after the 9/11 attacks that radical Islam intended to horrify the West—not only by committing atrocities against Western civilians, but by causing massive civilian casualties among Muslims.

To a great extent they have succeeded. The fragile conscience of the Germans could not bear the suffering of Syrian refugees streamed towards its border with the connivance of Turkey. As Giulio Meotti reported for the Gatestone Institute, the refugee invasion will radically alter Europe’s demographic balance.

Hamas fought the Gaza War in order to maximize civilian casualties among its own population, and thereby entice the West into forcing Israel to withdraw from the West Bank, where short-range rockets could devastate the national airport as well as Tel Aviv. This has not succeeded—yet—because Americans support Israel over the Palestinians by a 4:1 margin. But Palestinian leaders are patient; as the Palestinian journalist Mohammed Daraghmeh wrote (translate by the Times of Israel), the war with Israel “will end only when the world understands it has a duty to intervene and to draw borders and lines, as it did in Bosnia-Herzegovina, in Kosovo.”

This macabre pantomime should be transparent, but such is the squeamishness of the West that enlightened opinion shudders at the prospect of more dead Palestinian civilians. The world forgets that the Allies killed 1 million German civilians and between a quarter and half a million Japanese, mostly through aerial bombardments. This sacrifice was justified by the need to destroy wicked governments that killed tens of millions of civilians in Europe and Asia. States have the right to defend themselves against artillery attacks. Israel’s right of self-defense is generally acknowledged, but with the caveat the self-defense should be “proportionate,” that is, ineffective.

Frequently the “proportionality” canard is linked to a demand for Israeli concessions that have nothing to do with the issue at hand. Oxford University theologian Nigel Biggar for example writes in the Summer 2016 issue of the Christian strategy journal Providence: “It was within Israel’s power to take diplomatic, confidence-building initiatives. Uniterally, she could have stopped and reversed the illegal settlements in the West Bank. Since she didn’t do so, her military assaults on Gaza were inapt and therefore disproportionate.” Prof. Biggar forgets that Israel’s unilateral “confidence-building” withdrawal from Gaza put Hamas rockets on its borders. Logic is beside the point. The West is horrified and wants the horror to stop, and that is just what Hamas counts on.

Worse is yet to come. On Israel’s northern border, Hezbollah now has 150,000 rockets, by far the largest such inventory in the world, including many precision-guided missiles which can be programmed for evasive flight paths and are more difficult to shoot down with the Iron Dome air defense system, as I warned two years ago. Many of these are emplaced in civilian homes in the Shi’ite towns of southern Lebanon. To destroy them would entail civilian casualties one or two orders of magnitude greater than the collateral damage in Gaza.

The FBI’s Blind Clinton Trust Comey’s agents were forgiving about some incriminating evidence

The closer we look at the FBI’s investigative file on Hillary Clinton’s emails, the more we wonder if Director James Comey always intended to let her off the hook. The calculated release before the long Labor Day weekend suggests political favoritism, and the report shows the FBI didn’t pursue evidence of potential false statements, obstruction of justice and destruction of evidence.

Mr. Comey’s concessions start with his decision not to interview Mrs. Clinton until the end of his investigation, a mere three days before he announced his conclusions. Regular FBI practice is to get a subject on the record early then see if his story meshes with what agents find. In this case they accepted Mrs. Clinton’s I-don’t-recall defenses after the fact.

The notes also show the G-men never did grill Mrs. Clinton on her “intent” in setting up her server. Instead they bought her explanation that it was for personal convenience. This helped Mr. Comey avoid concluding that her purpose was to evade statutes like the Federal Records Act. Mr. Comey also told Congress that indicting her without criminal intent would pose a constitutional problem. But Congress has written many laws that don’t require criminal intent, and negligent homicide (for example) has never been unconstitutional.

The FBI notes also blow past evidence that Clinton advisers may have engaged in a cover-up. Consider page 10 of the FBI report: “Clinton’s immediate aides, to include [Huma] Abedin, [Cheryl] Mills, Jacob Sullivan, and [redacted] told the FBI they were unaware of the existence of the private server until after Clinton’s tenure at State or when it became public knowledge.”

Iran Advances, Washington Frets By Lawrence J. Haas

From the start, President Barack Obama and his top aides viewed a nuclear deal with Iran as a singular good – a goal to pursue on its own rather than linked to Iran’s terror sponsorship, its efforts to destabilize Sunni Arab states, its grotesque human rights record or its other problematic behavior in the region and beyond.

With the deal in hand, administration officials argued, they would confront Tehran over its other activities that threaten the United States and its European partners and that alarm our allies in the region. But, recent events suggest, last year’s global nuclear deal has proved far less liberating then paralyzing for the administration. Washington seems so concerned that Tehran will abandon the deal, as Iranian leaders often threaten, that it refuses to confront the regime over its increasingly reckless behavior.

How important was a nuclear deal, and the broader goal of a U.S.-Iranian rapprochement, to Obama? Important enough that, in a persistent effort not to ruffle the feathers of Iran’s hard-line regime, he refused to support the democracy-seeking Green Movement after Iran’s rigged presidential election in 2009, to confront Syria’s Bashar Assad (a key Iranian ally) as he slaughtered his own people starting in 2013, or to voice outrage over Iran’s human rights crackdown of recent years.

How important does the deal remain to Obama as he finishes his term and ponders his legacy? Important enough, we learned in recent days from the Institute for Science and International Security, that Washington gave Tehran secret exemptions from the deal’s limits on the uranium that it could possess that’s enriched to 3.5 percent and 20 percent purity, both of which could be quickly converted to weapons grade purity in the future. Without those exemptions, Tehran wouldn’t have received the generous relief from tough economic sanctions that it so desperately sought.

Barack Obama’s Asian Swan Song Sees World Leaders Test Limits of U.S. Power U.S. president is confronted with challenges to his Asian agenda and overall American authority on final trip to the regionBy Carol E. Lee

VIENTIANE, Laos—One of President Barack Obama’s final turns on the international stage before leaving office spotlighted how some world leaders are testing the limits of U.S. power just months before a new American administration.

From the moment Mr. Obama stepped off the plane in the lakeside city of Hangzhou, China, through his meetings at a summit in Laos, he has faced challenges to his policies and overall American authority in ways large and small.

Russian President Vladimir Putin left the Obama administration empty-handed after intense negotiations on a deal to reduce violence in Syria. North Korea, the glaring setback in Mr. Obama’s Asia policy, tested ballistic missiles. On Tuesday U.S. officials said Iran made yet another provocative move toward a U.S. Navy ship in the Persian Gulf.

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte made profane comments about Mr. Obama on the eve of their first meeting, leading the White House to cancel a sit-down with the leader of one of America’s treaty allies. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey was unexpectedly positive in public remarks about relations with the U.S., yet also challenged a core component of Mr. Obama’s strategy against Islamic State extremists: backing Kurdish forces in Syria.

And while Chinese President Xi Jinping hosted Mr. Obama for a lengthy one-on-one meeting and cooperated with the U.S. on climate change, significant areas of tension between the two countries went unresolved.

Richard Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations, said most of these developments “are just the latest installments of long-running sagas,” citing Russia and Syria, North Korea and differences between the U.S. and Turkey over the Kurds.

“They are all manifestations of what I would describe as a world in disarray,” he said.

Still, the Obama administration’s effort to shift U.S. diplomatic and military attention toward Asia has left a mark, sending more U.S. forces, ships, planes and military sales toward the region. Two key steps include a new U.S.-Philippine military agreement implemented this year, and a decision this year to lift restrictions on military sales to Vietnam.

Given U.S. investments in Southeast Asia, and its massive military presence, “it’s China that is trying to compete with U.S. influence in the region—not the other way round,” said Ian Storey, a Southeast Asia expert at the Singapore-based ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute.

“That’s not to say that Southeast Asian countries aren’t eager to attract Chinese money,” he added. “But when you’re throwing your weight around the South China Sea, I think there’s a limit as to how much influence and reassurance you can buy.”CONTINUE AT SITE

Obama’s Most Flagrant Violation Of the Constitution Yet How Obama is using the United Nations to force his radical environmentalist agenda on the American people. Joseph Klein

President Obama has just committed his most flagrant violation of the U.S. Constitution to date. He purported to commit the United States to a legally binding treaty without first obtaining consent by two thirds of the Senators present, as required under Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution. Obama is using the United Nations to end run the Senate with regard to the Paris Agreement on climate change negotiated last December.

Last week, Obama submitted an instrument to United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, for deposit with the UN, which he claims signifies official “acceptance” of the Paris Agreement by the United States. Obama said he and China’s President Xi Jinping together decided to “commit formally to joining the agreement ahead of schedule.”

Obama was constitutionally entitled to sign the Paris Agreement as an executive act, which he did in April of this year. However, signing the Paris Agreement was only the first step. In order for the Paris Agreement to actually take effect and enter into legal force, at least 55 countries representing at least 55 percent of global emissions need to formally join the Paris Agreement. This requires the further step of member states’ “ratification, acceptance or approval” of the Paris Agreement before their emissions can be counted towards fulfilling the 55 percent of global emissions threshold.

The United States is the second highest emitter of emissions, after China. Together the U.S. and China account for around 40 percent of global emissions. If the United States and China were to formally join the Paris Agreement via ratification, acceptance or approval, the 55 percent threshold target would be well within reach.

China presumably had no problem moving forward to formally join the Paris Agreement. However, in order to do his part so that the UN could declare the Paris Agreement to be in legal force sooner rather than later, Obama had to find a way to justify skipping over the constitutional requirement of U.S. Senate consent and still cause the U.S. to become bound to a treaty. The answer was to pretend that what the UN itself regards as a treaty, to which its parties would be legally bound once it came into force, was not really a treaty after all. It was only an executive agreement, the Obama administration argues, that is within the president’s power to enter into without any congressional involvement.

White House senior adviser Brian Deese offered up this sophistry at a White House press conference, held before Obama’s visit to China for the G-20 summit where he would act on the power he was usurping from the legislative branch. Deese claimed that Obama was using “his authority that has been used in dozens of executive agreements in the past to join and formally deposit our instrument of acceptance, and therefore put our country as a party to the Paris Agreement.” Deese tried to distinguish between “treaties that require advice and consent from the Senate” and “a broad category of executive agreements where the executive can enter into those agreements without that advice and consent.”