“Someday, if our decline is not terminal, there will arise a movement to restore academic standards to our colleges and universities, now crippled by political correctness and cultural and moral relativism. Someday the absurdity of the attack on our energy sources will be recognized (nuclear energy when Miro took up the cudgels, fossil fuels now that the know-nothings have moved on to the phony global warming apocalypse). When that day comes, Miro’s contribution will be rediscovered, reassessed and celebrated. He will be recognized as a hero in the intellectual wars of the latter years of the twentieth century.” Rael Jean Isaac
Miroslav Todorovich died at the age of 89 in Seattle. For many years Miro was a warm friend and valued advisor to Americans for a Safe Israel and attended our national conferences as a special guest when Edward Teller, his close friend and partner in the energy wars, was honored by AFSI.
Miro made an extraordinary contribution to American public life. He was founder–and behind the scenes the key player, for he always gave the limelight to others–in a series of organizations that aimed to restore rationality to our basic institutions, from our universities to our energy system. The names of Miro’s organizations tended to be cumbersome: University Centers for Rational Alternatives, the Committee for Academic
Non-Discrimination and Integrity, Scientists and Engineers for Secure Energy, but their goals were simple and fundamental: universities that–without violent disruptions–would teach the achievements of Western civilization; selection based on merit, not accidents of race and color; the development of energy sources based on scientific knowledge, not trumped-up terror scenarios or pie-in-the-sky fantasies.
Miro was born in Belgrade in 1925 where his father co-founded the Belgrade daily Politika which Miro describes as a kind of New York Times of the Balkans (before the Times morphed from the newspaper of record into the loadstone of political correctness). In 1951 he graduated from the University of Belgrade’s Department of Natural Science (with a year studying mass spectrometry at Compagnie Generale de TSF in Paris) and went straight to the Vinca Institute of Nuclear Science, which decided to send several of its most promising young scientists abroad for further study. Miro chose Columbia University. But after only a few months, in what he described as typical of Communist governments, a power struggle at the Institute resulted in an about-face. Miro was called back to Yugoslavia, supposedly for lack of funds. The Institute, unmoved when Columbia offered to provide financial assistance, used his young wife Branka, who had been scheduled to join him in New York, as a hostage. Her passport was confiscated and it would take three years before, in 1956, she was finally able to come to New York. In 1961 their son Mark was born followed by a daughter Mira. Both would eventually obtain degrees in science, Mark in physics, Mira a PhD in chemistry.
Miro would embark upon a long career teaching physics at the City University of New York. But that was only the foundation of his activities. In Yugoslavia Miro had experienced the Nazi regime followed by Tito’s Communist rule. He appreciated the freedoms and democratic values of the United States as only someone from that background could. And so when the universities came under attack in the late 1960s with students disrupting classes, seizing buildings, shrieking obscenities, destroying their professors’ research files, packing guns (Cornell), making non-negotiable “demands,” Miro was horrified at the prospect of academic freedom and indeed Western culture falling to young barbarians within the gates. What he found most appalling was the feeble response of administrations and faculty, with most cravenly caving in to the attackers.
And while many were horrified, Miro acted. In 1968, with famed NYU philosophy professor Sidney Hook, he founded University Centers for Rational Alternatives (UCRA). Hook summed up the organization’s perspective: “Intellectual unrest is not a problem but a virtue. The problem, and the threat, is not academic unrest but academic disruption and violence, which flow from substituting for the academic goals of learning the political goals of action.” UCRA also saw the growing abandonment of any and all curriculum requirements as a major threat to a liberal education.