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Ruth Wisse:A Romanian Jew’s Private Judgment of a World Bent on Condemning Him

In brilliantly charting the psychological effects of anti-Semitism on both its perpetrators and its victims, a newly translated 1934 novel outdoes even such master analysts as Freud and Proust.

Had my parents read Mihail Sebastian’s novel For Two-Thousand Years when it was published in Romania in 1934, they would have been mad to conceive a Jewish child there two years later.

The novel, only now translated from Romanian into English, is a close-up view of anti-Semitism overtaking a country not from the depths, not through vulgar populism, but through the ideas of its leading intellectuals. Who would be equipped to write such a book, and why? Only a Jewish intellectual himself, one intimate enough with his antagonists to know them as they actually were and artistically brilliant enough, and bold enough, to register exactly how and why they despised him.

Until now I was unaware that such a book existed, and since I am that improbable Jewish child, I must also be thankful that my parents did not know any Romanian intellectuals when they lived there.

Mihail Sebastianwas born Iosif Mendel Hechter in 1907 to traditional Jewish parents in the Romanian town of Brăila on the Danube. As a boy (and for the rest of his life) he felt at once rooted in the river landscape and respectful of his Jewish ancestry, but, with limited education in Jewish sources or Jewish languages, he was much more at home in the Romanian culture of his formal schooling. Once he began studying law in Bucharest, and simultaneously took up writing, he adopted a Romanian pen name and drew close to the local literary-intellectual elite.

Plus or minus the assumed name, the same path was taken by many of Sebastian’s Jewish contemporaries in France, Italy, Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, and elsewhere. In each case, their literary prospects were conditioned by the linguistic community they aspired to join. For Sebastian, an additional constraint was the open anti-Semitism that accompanied Romania’s heightened nationalism after World War I and that to a greater or lesser degree infected the country’s finest minds. It was his genius not to be deterred by the hostility but to train his eye on what Jews and others tried to ignore.

He did this by keeping a diary: a well-proved means of maintaining one’s intellectual independence. In this medium, even while pursuing a career in law and while pouring out a succession of books, plays, and essays, Sebastian made a habit of recording his private judgment of the world that was bent on condemning him. Indeed, the first of his works to attract international notice, a full half-century after his death, was a portion of his diary encompassing the years leading up to and through World War II. (The English translation, Journal 1935-1944: The Fascist Years, was released in 2000.)

As for the book before us, published in Romania in 1934, it is, to repeat, a work of fiction—but one that itself purports to have been composed out of diary selections tracking the narrator’s development through the prior, eventful decade of 1923-33. Both works richly repay reading, but the fictional form of the latter makes for a tighter and more consciously developed story—and a more mesmerizing one.

At the outset, our fictional diarist declares an obsessive fidelity to his own mind and imagination, an intent signaled by his epigraph from Montaigne: “I not only dare to talk about myself but to talk of nothing but myself.” Although so constricted a focus would seem ill-suited for capturing the essence of an era of political upheaval, the narrator’s rigorous self-scrutiny, which extends to what he is upagainst, yields page after page of coruscating political reportage. Our solipsist becomes a masterful witness to his times.

As the book opens, the Jewish students of Bucharest are under harassment and physical attack by their Gentile classmates. Some resist as best they can, but the unnamed diarist—shall we call him Iosif?—will not be goaded into action. His reason: “I don’t have that kind of vanity.” (Sensing suspect motives in others, he imputes them to himself as well.) When a single Jewish student in a large class rises to protest gross mistreatment, Iosif rails not at the school but at him:

What absurd need to denounce injustice inspires you to cry out? From what ancestral education in humiliation and revolt? . . . I’m furious with you because I can’t hate you enough and because I, along with you, belong to a race that can’t accept things and shut up.

But just as he shrinks from manifestations of Jewish collective pride or courage, so does he recoil from manifestations of Jewish collective timorousness:

If I cry, I’m lost. Clench your fists, you fool, if necessary, believe yourself a hero, pray to God, tell yourself you’re the son of a race of martyrs, yes, yes, tell yourself that, knock your head against the wall, but if you want to be able to look at yourself in the mirror and not die of shame, don’t cry.

By the time Sebastian composed this book in the early 1930s, the tortured psychological effects of anti-Semitism on Jews had already been variously charted by the likes of Sigmund Freud, Max Nordau, Otto Weininger, and Marcel Proust—the last of whom our narrator has read with admiration. His own dissection of the phenomenon exceeds them all. “Let’s presume that the hostility of anti-Semites is, in the end, endurable,” he writes. “How do we proceed with our own, internal, conflict?” Intent on not becoming “a fellow sufferer and sympathizer,” he declaims, a little too defiantly, that he—not yet twenty years old and just beginning to experience himself as an individual—will not be typecast as the member of a group on any terms other than his own. “Jewish fellow feeling—I hate it.”

Still, even while deploring that he is “at two removes from the active game of existence, firstly as an intellectual and secondly as a Jew,” Iosif is not too removed to study everyone around him, including his own kind, in his search to “overcome 2,000 years of talmudism and melancholy and to recover—supposing one of my race has ever had it—the clear joy of life.” That search leads him to three of the leading Jewish ideologies of the period, which he presents to us through the characters who espouse them.

Ibn Warraq :The Islam in Islamic Terrorism: The Importance of Beliefs, Ideas, and Ideology Reviewed by Nidra Poller

Ibn Warraq, The Islam in Islamic Terrorism; the Importance of Beliefs, Ideas, and Ideology, New English Review Press, Nashville, TN, 2017

Book review by Nidra Poller

It has nothing to do with Islam… Mentally deranged, fragile personalities are hijacking a sublime religion… More people die in highway accidents… All religions preach violence and spawn fundamentalists…

Seventeen years since the start of the jihad-intifada, sixteen years after 9/11, Western societies are challenged to understand the connection between antisemitism, antizionism, and 21st century jihad conquest. These two studies address two major misconceptions about the source and nature of the sporadic violence that erupts in a range of intensity from the fatal stabbing of one or a few people in the streets of a European city to the mass murder of 3,000 in Manhattan.

Our societies are like an army with abundant ammunition… and no guns

Law enforcement, intelligence and security services, government leaders, judges, academics, commentators, journalists, and simple citizens are on the battlefield, fighting a rearguard operation, losing ground day by day, self-defeating, and briefed…by the enemy. This intellectual reversal, which is an essential weapon in the war against the West, goes unexamined because those that should be warning against it have in fact succumbed to the lethal narrative strategy of jihad conquest. They do not think rationally, they react Islamically to assaults of all varieties, on all levels, from hijab fashion that they glorify to atrocious murders that they cover with flowers, candles and denial. The intellectual ravages are concealed behind a curtain of consensus.

Nancy Hartevelt Kobrin rips away, with her Jihadi Dictionary, the misleading separation between Islam and the mental illness frequently advanced to explain jihad murder. Yes, these enraged killers are mentally disturbed. But their insanity is specifically Islamic. They are not lost souls that arbitrarily wandered into an Islamic network and committed crimes that are then falsely attributed to Islam. Kobrin, an accomplished linguist, psychoanalyst, and counterterrorism expert, exposes from A to Z the psychological mechanisms by which the sons of devalued, terrorized mothers turn their own terror into annihilationist violence against the Other. Specialists may debate certain points and references to a given school or analyst, but the lay reader is impressed by the clarity brought to the issue by the rigors of a highly developed discipline as compared to the media chatter that reports on this ongoing assault on our lives and freedom. The dictionary format brings sharply focused definition to details that distinguish jihad violence from others forms of criminality that, however morbid, do not further a collective project of conquest.

Precisely. Ibn Warraq outlines the framework in which this culturally induced madness furthers a universal open-ended project of world conquest. The “beliefs, ideas, and ideology” of the subtitle of The Islam in Islamic Terrorism, are enshrined in the Koran, extended in the hadith and sunna, clarified and confirmed by certified Islamic scholars, and translated into action from generation to generation, from the time of Islam’s prophet to the present day. The stultifying uniformity of Islamic doctrine is exceeded only by the horrifying savagery of its practices. Erudite, intellectually scrupulous, and totally proficient in both Islamic and Western languages and culture, Ibn Warraq draws on a wealth of textual and historical evidence to sustain his thesis [quote] that the Islamic war currently waged against the West-and including “wayward” Muslims-is not a reaction to any geopolitical situation, not provoked by any outside causes, not misdirected by a minority of hijackers that could twist a peaceful religion into a relentless war machine.

The defenseless newborn, thrust from the womb into a merciless world, bonds with the nurturing mother, overcomes his existential fear, learns to distinguish self and other and, fortified with trust, achieves the separation from the mother which is absolutely essential to the formation of a healthy adult personality. The jihadi cannot bond with a mother that is devalued, excluded, mistreated and most often cast aside by a polygamous husband. Devalued as a girl child, dominated and terrorized by her brothers, subject to sexual abuse and at the same time held to preserve the family honor under threat of death, excluded from free and equal social communication, the jihadi’s mother cannot interact in a healthy relationship to her sons. The boy is perversely attached to his mother, detests and reviles her, and transfers his positive feelings onto motherfied objects or persons that he protects with extreme violence. In a hopeless attempt to relieve his unresolved childish terror the jihadi feminizes and terrorizes his victims to a degree that knows no limits.

The Axis Was Outmatched from the Start Hitler and his Axis cohorts couldn’t match their enemies’ resources to begin with. That they learned all the wrong lessons from military history while the Allies learned all the right ones doomed them. By Victor Davis Hanson

Editor’s Note: The following is the second in a series of excerpts adapted from Victor Davis Hanson’s new book The Second World Wars. It appears here with permission.

Starting wars is far easier than ending them. Since the Peloponnesian War (431–404 BC) between Athens and Sparta and their allies, winning — and finishing — a war has been predicated on finding ways to end an enemy’s ability to fight, whether materially or psychologically. The Axis and the Allies had radically different ideas of how the wars of World War II would eventually conclude — with the Allies sharing a far better historical appreciation of the formulas that always put a final end to conflicts.

When World War II broke out in 1939, Germany did not have a serious plan for defeating any of those enemies, present or future, that were positioned well beyond its own borders. Unlike its more distant adversaries, the Third Reich had neither an adequate blue-water navy nor a strategic bombing fleet, anchored by escort fighters and heavy bombers of four engines whose extended ranges and payloads might make vulnerable the homelands of any new enemies on the horizon. Hitler did not seem to grasp that the four most populous countries or territories in the world — China, India, the Soviet Union, and the United States — were either fighting against the Axis or opposed to its agendas. Never before or since had all these peoples (well over 1 billion total) fought at once and on the same side.

Not even Napoleon had declared war in succession on so many great powers without any idea how to destroy their ability to make war, or, worse yet, in delusion that tactical victories would depress stronger enemies into submission. Operation Sea Lion, Germany’s envisioned invasion of Britain, remained a pipe dream — and yet it offered the only plausible way to eliminate Britain from the war that Hitler had started. Grand Admiral Erich Raeder, then head of the Kriegsmarine, repeatedly warned Hitler that an amphibious invasion of Britain in 1940 was quite impossible. After explaining why the German navy was unable to transport hundreds of thousands of troops across the Channel, Raeder flatly concluded, “I could not recommend a landing in England.” After the war, Field Marshal General Wilhelm Keitel agreed that the military was not up to the task and was relieved that Hitler finally conceded as much: “I very much worried. I fully realized that we would have to undertake this invasion with small boats that were not seaworthy. Therefore, at that time I had fully agreed with the decision of the Fuehrer.” The invasion of Russia, codenamed Operation Barbarossa, would prove a rerun of the early successes of blitzkrieg in precisely the one theater where it would be nearly impossible to conduct it effectively — an operation that Raeder in hindsight claimed to have opposed, desperately but vainly advising Hitler that “under no circumstances should we go to war with Russia.”

War’s eternal elements — a balance between powers, deterrence versus appeasement, collective security, preemption and preventive attacks, and peace brought by victory, humiliation, and occupation — still governed the conflict. As was true in most past conflicts, the publics in Axis countries, regardless of the odiousness of Fascist ideology, supported the war when Germany, Italy, and Japan were deemed to be winning. Even the liberal German historian Friedrich Meinecke was caught up in the German euphoria following the sudden collapse of France in 1940: “And to have regained Strasbourg! How could a man’s heart not beat a little faster at this? After all, building up an army of millions in the space of only four years and rendering it capable of such achievements has been an astonishing and arguably the greatest and the most positive accomplishment of the Third Reich.” The classical Greek historian Thucydides, who so often focused on the Athenian public’s wild shifts in reaction to perceived battlefield victories or defeats, could not have captured any better the mercurial exhilaration at the thought of decisive military success.

The pulse of the war also reflected another classical dictum: The winning side is the one that most rapidly learns from its mistakes, makes the necessary corrections, and most swiftly responds to new challenges — in the manner that land-power Sparta finally built a far better navy while the maritime Athenians never fielded an army clearly superior to its enemies, or the land-power Rome’s galleys finally became more effective than were the armies of the sea-power Carthage. The Anglo-Americans, for example, more quickly rectified flaws in their strategic-bombing campaign — by employing longer-range fighter escorts, recalibrating targeting, integrating radar into air-defense networks, developing novel tactics, and producing more and better planes and crews — than did Germany in its bombing against Britain. America would add bombers and crews at a rate unimaginable for Germany. The result was that during six months of the Blitz (September 1940 to February 1941), the Luftwaffe, perhaps the best strategic bombing force in the world in late 1939 through mid-1940, dropped only 30,000 tons of bombs on Britain. In contrast, in the half year between June and November 1944, Allied bombers dropped 20 times that tonnage on Germany.

Review: Selflessness Under Pressure An unsung hero of the French Resistance, Suzanne Spaak risked everything to save Jewish children from deportation to Auschwitz. Diane Cole reviews ‘Suzanne’s Children’ by Anne Nelson.

‘My children are safe while others are threatened.” That anguished thought gave Belgian heiress Suzanne Spaak the determination to risk everything to protect Jewish children in Nazi-occupied Paris from deportation to, and probable death in, concentration camps. Although absolute numbers are hard to come by, author and playwright Anne Nelson estimates in her immersive chronicle, “Suzanne’s Children,” that Spaak and her Resistance colleagues may have helped save hundreds of young Jewish lives.

At first glance, Spaak’s pampered early life contains little that would suggest her later capacity for selfless courage. The beautiful daughter of a prominent Belgian financier, she had harbored idealistic tendencies as a child, but chose status when she married into a distinguished Belgian political family. Suzanne’s husband, Claude, a suavely handsome writer and art connoisseur, became the patron of acclaimed Belgian surrealist painter René Magritte. His provocative works dominated the couple’s grand Parisian apartment, an address so prestigious that their downstairs neighbor was the celebrated author Colette, who gave the world “Gigi.” Suzanne and Claude hobnobbed with the French writer Jean Cocteau, who also lived in the neighborhood, and a then little-known designer named Christian Dior made the costumes for a theatrical production that Claude had organized. To complete the idyllic picture, the couple doted on their young daughter and son, whom they fondly nicknamed Pilette and Bazou. Suzanne’s pedigree and social standing seemed impeccable.

By 1939, however, the real picture had darkened considerably. Angered by her husband’s self-centeredness and caddish infidelities, yet fearing the scandal a divorce would cause, a distraught Suzanne consented to share him in an awkward ménage à trois with his mistress—a woman who had once been her best friend and who would, after Suzanne’s death, become Claude’s second wife. Suzanne was further unnerved by the increasing likelihood of a coming war with Nazi Germany. Even her budding involvement with left-wing political groups seemed futile as the Nazi machine closed in on Jewish immigrant friends trying to escape Europe. With little solace to be found from either her personal life or the world around her, she suffered a breakdown.Ms. Nelson does not tell us what suddenly spurred Spaak to action—or more likely cannot, since Claude burned her correspondence and papers after the war—but with the fall of France and the start of the Nazi occupation, Suzanne gained new purpose. “What can I do?” became her constant refrain as she became ever more active in an ever-larger number of Resistance groups, working with Jews, Catholics and Protestants as well as communists, Soviet agents and followers of Free France’s leader, Charles de Gaulle. CONTINUE AT SITE

“The Thucydides Trap – As It Applies to Europe” by Sydney Williams

“There is no week, nor day, nor hour when tyranny may not

enter our country, if the people lose their roughness and spirit of defiance.”

Walt Whitman (1819-1892)

The Greek Historian Thucydides (460BC-395BC) wrote that the growth of Athens and the fear that caused in Sparta would lead inevitably to war. It did, the Peloponnesian Wars (431-404BC), which were ultimately won by Sparta. Graham Allison, Harvard professor of political science coined the term “Thucydides Trap,” otherwise known as the “security dilemma,” to describe the rise of a new power and the fear it instills in an established, dominant power – China and the United States. A clash, he argues, almost always ensues. Such phenomena are not limited to geo-politics. In physics, it would be an unstoppable force meeting an immovable object. And, all of us were once recalcitrant teen-agers, pushing back against resolute parents.

In his book Destined for War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides’ Trap?, Professor Allison looks to history to provide lessons for managing “great power” rivalries that were resolved without full-blown war: the Spanish-Portuguese match-up in the 15th Century, the rise of the U.S. in the 19th Century against the British Empire, the more recent peaceful resolution of the Cold War, among others.

While a nuclear conflagration between great powers represents the world’s biggest risk, the desire for self-rule, for security is not limited to great powers. Its consequences can be seen in the rise of nationalism, and the desire for sovereignty and respect, throughout many parts of the world – Scotland, Catalonia and Ukraine in Europe; the Kurds in the Middle East, and secessionists in the West African nations of Cameroon and Nigeria. It is in those areas where the unwary might be ensnared.

Each part of the world is unique, as is each group’s desire for independence. Regardless of the merits of each bid for independence, it is the causes that must be addressed. We can treat symptoms, and we can play the “blame” game, but cures require an understanding of causation.

In Africa, causes relate to centuries of colonization, along with the tribal nature of their indigenous people. Two countries on that continent are now experiencing separatist movements – Cameroon and Nigeria, both which became independent in the early 1960s. Cameroon, one of the oldest continuously populated parts of the world, had been occupied from the 15th through the 19th Centuries by Portuguese and Germans. After World War I, the French and English divided the country. It is the English-speaking regions that today want to split off. Nigeria, the largest country in Africa, in terms of population (and the 7th largest in the world), was once part of the British Empire. The natives of Biafra, in the southeast of the country, want independence. Like most African nations, their borders were drawn by Europeans who cared more about mineral extraction and commodities produced, than the tribes that comprise their populations. (There are, for example, over 500 languages spoken in Nigeria.) A civil war in that region fifty years ago left a million dead. Nigerian forces have again been deployed to put down this new rebellion.

In the Middle East, the Kurds seek independence from four countries – Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria – where they comprise significant minorities. Apart from Turkey, which is what remains of the Ottoman Empire, these countries, as in Africa, had their borders drawn by European colonial powers after the First World War, with little regard for the people who had lived there for centuries.

A Classical War of Modern Violence World War II traced the contours of previous conflicts to an endpoint of unprecedented death and destruction. By Victor Davis Hanson

Editor’s Note: The Following is the first in a series of excerpts adapted from Victor Davis Hanson’s new book The Second World Wars. It appears here with permission.

Some 60 million people died in World War II.

On average, 27,000 people perished on each day between the invasion of Poland (September 1, 1939) and the formal surrender of Japan (September 2, 1945) — bombed, shot, stabbed, blown apart, incinerated, gassed, starved, or infected. The Axis losers killed or starved to death about 80 percent of all those who died during the war. The Allied victors largely killed Axis soldiers; the defeated Axis, mostly civilians.

More German and Russian soldiers were killed in tanks at Kursk (well over 2,000 tanks lost) than at any other battle of armor in history. The greatest loss of life of both civilians and soldiers on a single ship (9,400 fatalities) occurred when a Soviet submarine sank the German troop transport Wilhelm Gustloff in the Baltic Sea in January 1945. The costliest land battle in history took place at Stalingrad; Leningrad was civilization’s most lethal siege. The death machinery of the Holocaust made past mass murdering from Attila to Tamerlane to the Aztecs seem like child’s play. The deadliest single day in military history occurred in World War II during the March 10, 1945, firebombing of Tokyo, when 100,000 people, perhaps many more, lost their lives. The only atomic bombs ever dropped in war immediately killed more than 100,000 at Hiroshima and Nagasaki together, most of them civilians, while tens of thousands more ultimately died and were maimed from radiation exposure. World War II exhausted superlatives. Its carnage seemed to reinvent ideas of war altogether.

Yet how, why, and where the war broke out were familiar factors. The sophisticated technology and totalitarian ideologies of World War II should not blind us to the fact that the conflict was fought on familiar ground in predictable climates and weather by humans whose natures were unchanged since antiquity and thus who went to war, fought, and forged a peace according to time-honored precepts. Reformulated ancient ideas of racial and cultural superiority fueled the global bloodbath between 1939 and 1945, which was ostensibly started to prove that some ideologies were better, or at least more powerful, than others. Nazi Germany certainly believed that other, supposedly inherently spiritually weaker Western nations — Britain and France in particular — had conspired since World War I to prevent the expression of naturally dominant German power. In his memoirs, Grand Admiral Karl Doenitz, commander-in-chief of the Kriegsmarine, the German navy, after January 1943, summed up accurately the German justification for the war: “Britain went to war in 1939 because Greater Germany, growing in strength and united with Austria, was becoming a menace to British imperial and economic interests.” Notice how Doenitz’s key phrase, “Britain went to war,” assumes that the German invasion of Poland was the result of victimization and grievance and thus should not have provoked a wider war.

By 1939, Germans had concluded that the postwar policies of the Western European nations were unfair, vindictive, and, with some tolerable sacrifices, correctable, given the rebirth of Germany under a uniquely powerful National Socialism. An unfettered Germany would establish hegemony throughout Europe, even if that effort might require dramatic changes in current borders, substantial population exchanges, and considerable deaths, though mostly of non-Germans. In time, both Fascist Italy (which had invaded both Ethiopia and Albania prior to September 1, 1939) and Japan (which had invaded China well over two years before the German attack on Poland) felt that if Hitler could take such risks — as he had throughout 1939–1941 in apparently successful fashion — then they too might take a gamble to share in the spoils. Perceived self-interest — and a sense of the ancient Greek historian Thucydides’ realist notion of honor and fear — as much as ideological affinity, explained which power entered the war, or left it, or chose to remain neutral.

World War II was conceived and fought as a characteristic Western war in which classical traditions of free markets, private property, unfettered natural inquiry, personal freedom, and a secular tradition had for centuries often translated to greater military dynamism in Europe than elsewhere. If the conflict’s unique savagery and destructiveness can only be appreciated through the lenses of 20th-century ideology, technology, and industry, its origins and end still followed larger contours of conflict as they developed over 2,500 years of civilized history. The Western military’s essence had remained unchanged but it was now delivered at an unprecedented volume and velocity, and posed a specter of death on a massive scale. The internecine war was largely fought with weaponry and technology that were birthed in the West, although also used by Westernized powers in Asia. The atomic bombs, napalm, guided missiles, and multi-engine bombers of World War II confirmed a general truth that for over two millennia the war-making of Europe and its appendages had proven brutal against the non-West, but when its savage protocols and technology were turned upon itself, the corpses mounted in an unfathomable fashion.

— Victor Davis Hanson is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University.

Letters of Love to Jerusalem By Harold Goldmeier

MY JERUSALEM: The Eternal City
Ilan Greenfield, Editor
Ziv Koren, Photography
Published by Gefen Publishing House and
Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, 2017/5778

I love Chicago. It’s the city in which I lived from birth into retirement. I can describe the skyline on Lake Michigan, with its majestic sunrise and sunset. Every neighborhood is its own architectural marvel crowned with lush greenery. But I will never describe Chicago or Boston or New York or Sedona as eloquently as Matthew Bronfman does in My Jerusalem: The Eternal City. Bronfman’s romance with Jerusalem is in “its breathtaking glory.” Bronfman is one of 48 contributors proffering letters of love to Jerusalem, enriching its reputation by juxtaposed elegant and rich photographs.

On the dust jacket, the name Jerusalem is embossed in gold set against a night-lit orange photograph of the Tower of David (or Jerusalem Citadel). This touch epitomizes its sobriquet, The City of Gold, Yerushalayim Shel Zahav, popular in Hebrew verse and song, the words to which appear on the first page. It is the place, writes Shimon Peres, where “every morning, at the moment when the sun rises … it is as if heaven and earth have met.”

At first glance, I looked forward to an emotion-filled experience through a magical photographer’s eye. Ziv Koren’s works of art do not fail me. But the book is so much more. My Jerusalem is a compendium of personal love letters assembled by Ilan Greenfield’s selection of Jewish and Christian leaders to a city built by a king of the Jews. She is a city under siege for some 2,000 years but endowed as the holiest of holy places on Earth for three monotheistic religions.

Most contributors know her only as a city rebuilt and designated the capital of modern Israel. But Ilan Greenfield has assembled My Jerusalem contributors spanning generations. President Rivlin and Prime Minister Netanyahu recall childhood memories of growing up in war-torn and divided Jerusalem from 1948 to 1967. The P.M. describes the city divided by barbed-wire fences laden with land mines and a garbage dump “with snipers on the walls.” “[S]trangled, it was withered, it had no future” until its liberation in 1967. Then there is a heartwarming picture of the president hiking his old pacified trails in the hills of Jerusalem.

Editor Greenfield complements the romantic without giving short shrift to the controversies Jerusalem inspires, as any beautiful maiden does among anxious suitors. Greenfield declares in the publisher’s note that she is mine, My Jerusalem, “the eternal capital of the Jewish people,” not only an eternal city. The book’s dedication is “[t]o the land and people of Israel with deep gratitude for a life of meaning and the privilege of being part of the wondrous Zionist enterprise.”

“Yerushalayim Shel Zahav,” written by Naomi Shemer, is a wildly popular complement to Israel’s national anthem. Is it coincidence that the melody is based on a Basque lullaby, from a province of Spain, fighting for generations for independence? Moreover, her sister province, Catalonia, is enduring armed, club-wielding, anti-freedom repressors concomitant to the release of My Jerusalem, which daily faces threats to her independence and Jewish heritage from international world bodies and foreign former oppressors of the Jews.

The introduction from Alan Dershowitz, a political raconteur, wastes little time reminding readers that Jerusalem is “one of the most divisive political hot spots in the world.” We all know that. I might have placed a born and raised Jerusalemite like President Rivlin to introduce the book. Rivlin gives authenticity: “The history of Jerusalem in the early years of the state is also my personal and family history.

VICTOR SHARPE: POLITICIDE – THE ATTEMPTED MURDER OF THE JEWISH STATE VOLUME 4 FPRWARD BY JOAN SWIRSKY

I was both humbled and thrilled when author Victor Sharpe asked me to write the Introduction to the fourth book in a series he has written, titled Politicide: The attempted murder of the Jewish state. Victor explains that the word politicide was coined by the late great Israeli statesman, Abba Eban, to describe the murder of a sovereign, independent state; namely the State of Israel.

The title really says it all, and Victor, a passionate student of Jewish history––as well as a prolific writer on contemporary Jewish issues––has described in painful detail the annihilating attacks upon the ancient Jewish homeland by the Assyrian, Babylonian, Greek and Roman empires (which no longer exist).

He also describes the inexpressible suffering endured by the stateless Jews throughout their 2,000 years of exile, including during the Crusades, the Inquisition, the cruel expulsion of Jews from various countries including England, Spain and Portugal, the bleak pogroms in Poland and Russia and to the worst crime in human history; the genocide of six-million Jews in Hitler’s German-occupied Europe during the 1940s.

Happily, the illustrious history of Jewish life is also included, from its beginning with Abraham the first Jew, whom we call the Holy Convert, who left his idol-making father after discovering the existence of the one and only God and thus establishing monotheism for the entire world, but also for becoming––with Isaac, Jacob and their wives––the patriarchs and matriarchs of the Jewish People in the eternal land God brought them to: The Land of Israel.

And finally, the story of the 14-million Jews who now exist (in a world of eight-and-a-half billion people), half of them in the miraculous and flourishing State of Israel.

In short, this is a terrific, illuminating, important book that I hope you’ll buy, read, cherish and tell all your friends about.

You can buy the book by clicking on this link.

You can also buy the previous three volumes of Victor’s Politicide series by clicking here.

The Incredible Genesis Of Israel’s Air Force: An Interview with Author Robert Gandt By Elliot Resnick

The number of unusual – many would argue miraculous – incidents associated with Israel’s founding is remarkable. Among the most incredible of these is the story of Israel’s air force. Israel essentially had no air force on May 14, 1948 – the day it formally came into being – but a mere two weeks later, a handful of planes built at a former Nazi air base in Czechoslovakia halted two separate Arab invasions of the fledgling Jewish state.http://www.jewishpress.com/indepth/the-incredible-genesis-of-israels-air-force-an-interview-with-author-robert-gandt/2017/10/10/

This fascinating history is outlined in the new book Angels in the Sky: How a Band of Volunteer Airmen Saved the New State of Israel (W.W. Norton & Company) by Robert Gandt. An award-winning author of more than a dozen books, Gandt is a former Navy pilot and the leader of the Mavericks Aerobatic Formation Team.

The Jewish Press: Your book is titled “Angels in the Sky.” Who were these angels?

Gandt: These were men, almost all of them World War II veterans, who went to Israel in 1948 when the newly founded country was overrun by invading Arab armies. They weren’t all Jewish. About a third of them were not. But together, these men – fighter pilots, bomber pilots, transport pilots, radio men, bombardiers, navigators – formed the nucleus of a tiny little air force that ultimately saved Israel.

Where did these men come from?

The greatest number came from the United States. A significant number came from Canada. Per capita, the largest contingent was from South Africa. And then there were some from France, several from Britain, and a scattering from half-a-dozen other countries, including Russia, Poland, and India.

You write that the number of local Israeli pilots was so small that the language of Israel’s air force was originally English, not Hebrew.

That’s correct. Of the fighter and bomber pilots, I think there were only two Israelis – Ezer Weizman, who later became the president of Israel, and a hero named Modi Alon, who was the first commander of the elite fighter squadron.

It’s interesting that even the “angel of death” logo of Israel’s first fighter squadron was conceived by foreign volunteers – two Californian Jews.
The emblem of Israel’s 101 Squadron – designed by two Californian Jews.
The emblem of Israel’s 101 Squadron – designed by two Californian Jews.

Yes, that emblem was designed by Bob Vickman and Stan Andrews, both of whom dropped out of art school in California to go to Israel. They were later killed in the war. That emblem is still on the nose of every plane in Israel’s 101st squadron today.

What motivated all these foreign pilots and airmen to fight for Israel?

A great number of them had family members who had been lost in the Holocaust, so they saw this as a holy cause – preventing a second Holocaust. Others were zealous Zionists. And some of them just missed the adrenaline rush of combat. You have to remember: These were all young men in their 20s, most of them were single, and almost all of them were World War II veterans. For a number of them, World War II had been the peak experience of their life. And here suddenly was a new and worthy adventure they could risk their lives for.

All these men come to Israel and the first planes they fly are Czech versions of Nazi fighter planes – which is more than a tad ironic considering that the Nazis had just finished murdering six million Jews three years earlier.

David Ben-Gurion searched far and wide for appropriate fighter aircraft but was unable to get them from the United States, Britain, or South Africa [because of an arms embargo imposed by these countries]. The only place he could find them was in Czechoslovakia.

Czechoslovakia had built Messerschmitt fighters for the Nazis during World War II, and they were still producing versions of this Messerschmitt which they were willing to sell to Israel. They were inferior planes, but that was all that was available, so Israel bought them. The field in Czechoslovakia where [Israel’s] pilots trained was a former Luftwaffe fighter base, so all the equipment they used was left over from World War II: Nazi flight suits, goggles, parachutes, etc.

What made these planes inferior?

They were very difficult to land and take off. Israel lost far more airplanes in accidents than they did in combat. The pilots hated them. They lost at least two airplanes because they shot off their own propellers with machine guns that were supposed to fire between the propeller blades but weren’t properly synchronized.

Despite all the plane’s deficiencies, you write that it single-handedly stopped Egypt from conquering Tel Aviv two weeks after Israel’s founding. That’s quite an achievement.

By May 29, 1948, two Egyptian armored columns were within 20 miles of Tel Aviv, and word came to the fighter pilots: “Either strike immediately or the Arabs will be in Tel Aviv the next day, and the war will be over.” This wasn’t supposed to be their first strike, but off they went – four Messerschmitts is all they could get in the air – and they attacked this Arab column of about 10,000 troops.

Their machine guns jammed and they only dropped a few measly bombs, but they completely terrified the Egyptian army. The Egyptians had no idea Israel had an air force, and they went into a panic and hunkered down. Those four little ineffective fighters literally saved the country that evening.

And the next day these planes stopped another invasion from the east.

Military History Book Reviews : “China Basin” by Edward Cline see note please

Ed Cline is author of many books as well as pithy opinion columns often posted here. Check out his Amazon page

https://www.amazon.com/s/ref=nb_sb_noss_1?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=edward+cline+books&rh=n%3A283155%2Ck%3Aedward+cline+books
China Basin is set in 1928 San Francisco. Edward Cline presents an American city of cable cars, plain speaking and Prohibition. As the author observed in the book’s forward, “The country was unhampered by political correctness in speech and manners, and uninfected with other cultural maladies, the seeds of which were just beginning to sprout in art and ethics, as the reader of the novel will see.” Except for the Progressive hangover of Prohibition, Cline presents the country and city as the Founders largely intended it to be.

China Basin could be identified as neo-noir detective story in the classic tradition. There is some truth to this judgment, but it’s not the whole truth. The reason is the character of the detective-hero Cyrus Skeen. Skeen is a hero, not an anti-hero. He is a self-aware man of intelligence, breeding, and above all moral rectitude. He is also a man of action who places his life on the line in the pursuit of justice and truth. Skeen’s moral compass places him a world away from such protagonists as Sam Spade or Jake Gittes.

I’ve known Ed for nearly three decades. I remember talking to him on several occasions when he was plotting and writing China Basin. Two things have stuck in my mind ever since. First, Ed’s explanation for the book’s setting. He didn’t much care for the world inhabited by Sam Spade of Maltese Falcon fame. It is a grubby world and Spade’s is a barren, unexamined life. He wanted to present a happy detective of intellect. Skeen’s perspective is much wider and grander. Unlike other neo-noir detectives, Skeen is a bon vivant who spends much time in the sordid world of crime, but doesn’t become a part of it. He also wanted to recreate a bygone, and better, era. On both counts, China Basin is a roaring success.

The book’s plot is complex, but not overly so. There are no loose ends and the resolution is most satisfying. I won’t go into details here and give anything away for people who haven’t yet read China Basin. The story takes place in December 1928 after Skeen’s return from a month-long trip to Europe. The plot revolves around Skeen’s attempt to recover a lost artifact for a client. Of course, during the search both villains and femme fatales are encountered and dealt with.There is also a riot or rebellion against Prohibition officers at a local speakeasy where Skeen was meeting suspect:

“Let me through, damn it!” shouted the lead Federal agent as he banged through the onlookers. Skeen did not get a good look at his face, and he did not think the man got a good look at his, for a shot glass sailed through the air and struck the agent on an ear. He cursed in pain and held a hand up to it, and with the other reached inside his coat for his revolver. But an arm reached out and yank it from his fingers the moment is appeared, while another jerked his shoulder around and ripped off the whistle and chain that was around his neck. A beefy ship’s stoker turned him around again and pushed him, and the agent toppled backwards over the kneeling figure of a railroad fireman to the sawdust. A waitress calmly walked up a dumped her full tray of drinks on top of him. And all hell broke loose. (p. 155)

China Basin is the first of what are now twenty-nine Cyrus Skeen mystery and suspense novels. Their world of the late 1920s is believable with many interesting details of the period included. Ed did a prodigious amount of research for these books, and it shows. If you’re interested in good stories, with memorable characters set in a colorful and exciting time, the Cyrus Skeen series is for you.