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BOOKS

From Anxiety to Animosity: How Social Media Damages Relationships A preview of Nicholas Carr’s new book Superbloom

https://www.afterbabel.com/ac

There were a few prophets warning us that we should be cautious about moving so much of our social and intellectual lives onto computers and later phones. Among the greatest of them was Nicholas Carr, who wrote an article in The Atlantic in 2008 titled “Is Google Making Us Stupid?”– Jon Haidt

“Society is formed and sustained through acts of communication — through people talking with each other — and that simple fact has led us to see communication as a powerful moral force in human affairs. Self-expression is good, we tell ourselves, and it’s good to hear what others have to say. The more we’re able to converse, to share our thoughts, opinions, and experiences, the better we’ll understand one another and the more harmonious society will become. If communication is good, more communication must be better.

But what if that’s wrong? What if communication, when its speed and volume are amped up too far, turns into a destructive force rather than a constructive one? What if too much communication breeds misunderstanding rather than understanding, mistrust rather than trust, strife rather than harmony?

Those uncomfortable questions lie at the heart of my new book, Superbloom: How Technologies of Connection Tear Us Apart. Drawing evidence from history, psychology, and sociology, I argue that our rush to use ever more powerful online media technologies to ratchet up the efficiency of communication has been reckless. Even as the unremitting flow of words and images seizes our attention, it overwhelms the sense-making and emotion-regulating capacities of the human nervous system.

The ill effects ripple through the lives of everyone today, adults as well as kids, and they’re warping relationships at both the personal and the societal level. With social media, we have constructed a hyperkinetic machine for communication that is more likely to bring out the worst in us than the best.

Holocaust envy Why the anti-Israel crowd are attacking Jews with their own history. Brendan O’Neill

https://www.spiked-online.com/2025/01/27/holocaust-envy/

To mark Holocaust Memorial Day, we are publishing this chapter from Brendan O’Neill’s book, After the Pogrom: 7 October, Israel and the Crisis of Civilisation.

One of the most striking things in the aftermath of 7 October was the silence of the fascism-spotters. You know these people. They’re the centrists and liberals who see fascism everywhere. Who think everything is ‘like the 1930s’. The vote for Brexit, Donald Trump, the rise of populist parties in Europe – all of it reminds them of the Nazi years. And yet when the Islamofascists of Hamas stormed the Jewish State and butchered a thousand Jews, suddenly they went quiet. No more Nazi talk. No more trembling warnings of a return to ‘the dark days of the 1930s’. No more handwringing over ‘new Hitlers’. It seems that to a certain kind of liberal, everything is fascism except fascism.

These are the people who lapped up Guardian articles with headlines like ‘The reich stuff’, exploring the supposed ‘comparisons between Donald Trump and Adolf Hitler’. They’re the people who will have nodded in vigorous agreement when a spokesperson for Joe Biden slammed Trump for parroting ‘the autocratic language of Adolf Hitler’. They’re the folk who no doubt permitted themselves a chuckle when it was revealed that Biden staffers refer to Trump as ‘Hitler pig’ behind closed doors. They’re the self-styled ‘vigilant’ members of respectable society who will have cheered when Biden described Trumpism as a ‘semi-fascism’ that threatens the ‘soul’ of the free world.

They’re the pro-EU middle classes who fretted over the vote for Brexit, viewing it as a ‘return to the 1930s’. They’re the broadsheet readers who will have murmured in agreement with headlines saying there are ‘terrifying parallels between Brexit and the appeasement of Hitler’. They’re the royalty-sceptics who will have found themselves in agreement with princes for once when Charles, then Prince of Wales, said populism has ‘deeply disturbing echoes of the dark days of the 1930s’. They’re the weekend marchers who will have attended anti-Trump demos at which people waved placards showing Trump with a Hitler tache, and anti-Brexit protests at which speakers issued dire warnings about our descent into Hitlerite mania.

There was a time when you couldn’t open a newspaper or peruse social media without seeing some pained liberal hold forth on how populism will drag us back to the death camps. Fascism panic was the fashion of the day. And then it stopped. In the wake of the 7 October pogrom – the worst act of slaughter against the Jews since that period of the mid-20th century these people love talking about – their fascism chatter evaporated. In fact, they started warning people not to use Nazi analogies. Not to compare 7 October to the 1930s. Not to engage in the very fascism fretting that had been the bread and butter of their own political commentary for years.

Destroying Legal Education A new book anatomizes the decline of America’s law schools. by Bruce Bawer

https://www.frontpagemag.com/fpm-plus/destroying-legal-education/

As Donald Trump begins his second term as president with a mandate to undo the damage done to the country by leftist ideology, incompetence, and corruption, one of the many stables that most need cleaning up is academia – which is, of course, the source of virtually all of the most misbegotten ideas that have sent America astray.

To be sure, some parts of academia are more desperately in need of reform than others. As a rule, the elite universities, especially those in the Ivy League, are more poisoned by the new progressivism than most state schools, especially those in the heartland. Humanities and social science departments are worse off than STEM departments. And as Ilya Shapiro points out in his important new book, Lawless: The Miseducation of America’s Elite, the introduction of woke thinking into law schools is singularly damaging.

Yes, writes Shapiro, it’s unfortunate enough if, say, a sociology faculty is selling ideology rather than fact, for it represents “a loss to the richness of life and the accumulation of human knowledge.” But for a law school to head down the same road is far more perilous. For these schools turn out the lawyers, politicians, and judges who will serve as “the gatekeepers of our institutions and of the rules of the game on which American prosperity, liberty, and equality sit.”

And the sad fact, alas, is that in too many American law schools today, a preponderance of students are the products of classrooms in which, as Shapiro puts it, “the classical pedagogical model of legal education” has been abandoned in favor of “the postmodern activist one” – a process that has been underway for decades but that was greatly accelerated during the Covid pandemic and in the wake of the irrational nationwide hysteria over the killing of George Floyd. Hence those students swallow such dangerous notions as critical race theory and its corollary, critical legal theory, and therefore believe that colorblind justice, due process, and freedom of speech aren’t desiderata but tools of  white supremacy.

Lawless has its roots in Shapiro’s own hellish encounter with this ideological leviathan. It happened like this: on January 26, 2022, the day that Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer announced his retirement, Shapiro tweeted that the “best pick” for a replacement was Sri Srinivasan, who, if appointed by President Biden, would be the “first Asian (Indian) American” on the Court. Yet because Biden had promised to name a black woman, lamented Shapiro, “we’ll get [a] lesser black woman.” After sending off the tweet, Shapiro went to bed – and awoke in the morning to discover that his comment had caused pandemonium in the legal community, where he was being viciously attacked as a racist and a sexist. Shapiro immediately deleted the tweet and issued an apology for expressing his opinion in such an “inartful” manner.

The Builder’s Stone: How Jews and Christians Built the West—and Why Only They Can Save It by Melanie Phillips

As the West struggles against attempts to destroy it from within and without, key lessons in resilience from its Jewish parent can enable both Christianity and civilization to survive.

Western civilization is facing a critical moment. Foreign enemies sensing its weakness are circling. Internally, the West is being consumed by division, decadence, and demoralization. The October 7 attack on Israel presented it with a choice between civilization and barbarism—a challenge the West has failed. But this damaged society is far from lost if it takes advice from an unexpected source. Western culture is based upon Christianity, whose own foundations in turn lie in Judaism. The unique survival of the Jewish people offers both the West and its struggling Christian church, as well as secular people who shun religion, priceless lessons in resilience that they must learn if their culture is to survive.

Lawless: The Miseducation of America’s Elites Ilya Shapiro

https://www.amazon.com/s?k=ILYA+SHAPIRO&i=stripbooks&crid=15XHIMNH860HR&sprefix=ilya+shapiro%2Cstripbooks%2C82

In the past, Columbia Law School produced leaders like Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Now it produces window-smashing activists.

When protestors at Columbia broke into a build­ing and created illegal encampments, the student-led Columbia Law Review demanded that finals be canceled because of “distress.”

Law schools used to teach students how to think critically, advance logical arguments, and respect oppo­nents. Now those students cannot tolerate disagreement and reject the validity of the law itself. Rioting Ivy Leaguers are the same people who will soon:

Be America’s judges, DAs, and prosecutors
File and fight constitutional lawsuits
Advise Fortune 500 companies
Hire other left-wing diversity candidates to staff law firms and government offices
Run for higher office with an agenda of only enforcing laws that suit left-wing whims

In Lawless, Ilya Shapiro explains how we got here and what we can do about it. The problem is bigger than radical students and biased faculty—it’s institu­tional weakness. Shapiro met the mob firsthand when he posted a controversial tweet that led to calls for his firing from Georgetown Law. A four-month investi­gation eventually cleared him on a technicality but declared that if he offended anyone in the future, he’d create a “hostile educational environment” and be sub­ject to the inquisition again. Unable to do the job he was hired for, he resigned.

This cannot continue. In Lawless, Shapiro reveals how the illib­eral takeover of legal education is transforming our country. Unless we stop it now, the consequences will be with us for decades.

Jack Cashill :What’s the Matter with California?: Cultural Rumbles from the Golden State and Why the Rest of Us Should Be Shaking

Prophetic words from Jack Cashill in 2007

A whimsical response to the best-selling What’s the Matter with Kansas? casts a skeptical eye on the nation’s most liberal and populous state, in an anecdotal survey that likens California to an American Rome of over-indulgence and over-regulation that fails to meet its ideals.

Elon Musk by Walter Isaacson

https://www.amazon.com/Elon-Musk-Walter-Isaacson/dp/1982181281?crid=

When Elon Musk was a kid in South Africa, he was regularly beaten by bullies. One day a group pushed him down some concrete steps and kicked him until his face was a swollen ball of flesh. He was in the hospital for a week. But the physical scars were minor compared to the emotional ones inflicted by his father, an engineer, rogue, and charismatic fantasist.

His father’s impact on his psyche would linger. He developed into a tough yet vulnerable man-child, prone to abrupt Jekyll-and-Hyde mood swings, with an exceedingly high tolerance for risk, a craving for drama, an epic sense of mission, and a maniacal intensity that was callous and at times destructive.

At the beginning of 2022—after a year marked by SpaceX launching thirty-one rockets into orbit, Tesla selling a million cars, and him becoming the richest man on earth—Musk spoke ruefully about his compulsion to stir up dramas. “I need to shift my mindset away from being in crisis mode, which it has been for about fourteen years now, or arguably most of my life,” he said.

It was a wistful comment, not a New Year’s resolution. Even as he said it, he was secretly buying up shares of Twitter, the world’s ultimate playground. Over the years, whenever he was in a dark place, his mind went back to being bullied on the playground. Now he had the chance to own the playground.

For two years, Isaacson shadowed Musk, attended his meetings, walked his factories with him, and spent hours interviewing him, his family, friends, coworkers, and adversaries. The result is the revealing inside story, filled with amazing tales of triumphs and turmoil, that addresses the question: are the demons that drive Musk also what it takes to drive innovation and progress?

Who really started America’s culture war? ‘Progressive’ elites have been fighting a silent war on the American way of life for decades. Frank Furedi

https://www.spiked-online.com/2025/01/05/who-really-started-americas-culture-war/

Over the past few years, Western elites have attempted to present the culture war as the work of right-wing agitators. Establishment politicians, pundits and academics claim that it’s the socially conservative who are fuelling today’s cultural conflicts for their own political gain. As one New York Times columnist argued, the likes of Donald Trump have been attacking trans ideology or critical race theory in order to scare and mobilise their voters.

Richard Slotkin’s critically acclaimed A Great Disorder: National Myth and the Battle for America aims to go beyond this simplistic view. He tries to provide historical context and an explanation for the culture war now raging in the US. To this end, he attempts to root today’s cultural conflicts in competing national myths, each of which present a ‘different understanding of who counts as American, a different reading of American history and a different vision of what our future ought to be’.

These myths include the myth of the frontier (or the myth of the American west) and two myths around the Civil War – namely, that of emancipation and that of the ‘lost cause’. Of these myths, Slotkin objects most to the myth of the lost cause. This, he argues, presents the Confederacy’s role as a noble but vain attempt to maintain a virtuous way of life, rather than an attempt to preserve the institution of slavery. To these myths, Slotkin adds the myth of the ‘good war’ and the myth of ‘the movement’, a reference to the civil-rights activism of the mid-20th century. The aim of all this is to show how these different national stories continue to provide the resources on which political actors today still draw.

There’s no doubting the ambition of A Great Disorder. But like most liberal-ish American academics writing about the culture war, Slotkin shares the elite view that these conflicts are ultimately the invention of right-wing conservative activists. In effect, A Great Disorder absolves leftists and ‘progressives’ of any responsibility for the cultural battles being fought in our midst.

The cult of the keffiyeh How pitying Palestine and hating Israel became the ultimate luxury belief. Brendan O’Neill

https://www.spiked-online.com/2024/12/20/the-cult-of-the-keffiyeh/

This is an extract from Brendan O’Neill’s book, After the Pogrom: 7 October, Israel and the Crisis of Civilisation. You can buy it on Amazon now.

Whatever happened to the sin of cultural appropriation? This ideology of rebuke held sway on university campuses for years. The idea was that no member of the majority group should ever appropriate the cultural habits of a minority group. It’s offensive, apparently. It’s racial theft. It’s parody disguised as authenticity. White men wearing their hair in dreadlocks, white women in kimonos, gay men twerking or using black slang – all of it was damned as ‘stealing’, the co-option of the culture of the powerless by the powerful. And yet today, visit any campus in the West and everywhere you look you’ll see white youths dressed as Arabs.

Keffiyeh chic is all the rage. You’re no one unless you have one of these black-and-white scarves that are widely worn in the Palestinian territories. Student radicals, celebrities, Guardian-reading dads on their way for a macchiato – everyone has a keffiyeh draped over their shoulders. It has become the uniform of the politically enlightened, the must-have of the socially aware. They’re ‘all over Europe’, as one writer says; every time there’s a ‘pro-Palestine’ demo you’ll be confronted by ‘a sea of these garments’. Even the mega-rich are getting in on the act – Balenciaga once made a high-end keffiyeh that will set you back £3,000. But then, you can’t put a price on virtue-signalling.

Is this cultural appropriation? If Beyoncé wearing a sari and Kim Kardashian styling her hair in braids can induce a frenzy of censure among social-justice warriors – as both of those things bizarrely did – then why not bourgeois Westerners pulling on a scarf that has its origins among the nomadic Bedouin tribes of the Arab peninsula? If a student who dons a Mexican sombrero can be branded ‘culturally indifferent’, then why not a student who wraps himself in Arab cloth? As Julie Burchill has wondered, ‘In an age when putting on a sombrero for 60 seconds during a drunken night out at an all-you-can-eat taco bar can be taken as proof of conquistador-level evil… why do these same students swan around wearing the keffiyeh?’.

The keffiyeh wearers will say their scarves are about solidarity, not stealing. They’re showing their support for a political cause, not purloining Palestinian culture. The reason this scarf is ‘worn by non-Palestinians across the world’ is ‘as a sign of solidarity and allyship’, insists Salon. But since when did solidarity involve fancy dress? The 1960s students who protested against the Vietnam War did not wear bamboo conical hats in mimicry of the Vietnamese peasants who so often felt the heat of America’s bombs and napalm. Western supporters of the Quit India movement were not known for wearing white dhotis in the style of Mahatma Gandhi. Solidarity was expressed with words and actions, not imitation of style.

Ray Domanico What’s the Best Way Forward for Education Reform? Universal parental choice remains the surest route to strengthening curricular standards in schools.

https://www.city-journal.org/article/ashley-rogers-berner-education-reform-government-funding-school-choice

Educational Pluralism and Democracy, by Ashley Rogers Berner (Harvard Education Press, 200 pp., $35)

Should all parents be free to choose the school they believe is best suited to their children—and should that choice be supported by public funds? Does the government, whether state or federal, have an obligation to see that all schools offer an academically strong curriculum, including core concepts necessary to the goal of preserving “the full history of the United States” in a way that honors “cultural minorities while simultaneously inculcating democratic values”?

Johns Hopkins professor Ashley Rogers Berner has been exploring these questions since the publication of her 2017 book, Pluralism and American Public Education: No One Way to School. In her latest book, Educational Pluralism and Democracy, she seeks to chart a way forward for the adoption of curricular reform alongside the growing state-level adoption of universal school choice. It’s a daunting task, as she concedes: “We seem currently betwixt and between, with red states expanding access, blue states removing it, and curriculum wars ongoing.”

Berner defines educational pluralism as “a way to structure education in which the government funds a wide variety of schools but holds all of them accountable for academic results.” Five of the eight states that recently adopted universal choice require participating schools to follow a state testing mandate, which seems to meet this definition.

Berner has a larger vision, though, one equally hard to argue against–and to realize. She wants to see all schools in a pluralistic system offer a curriculum rich in content and not limited to the Common Core’s “twenty-first century skills,” focused on reading, mathematics, and critical thinking. The skills emphasis constrained what schools taught, as states had to follow federally required testing programs in English and mathematics. What was tested became what was taught.