RUTHFULLY YOURS

There’s chatter, and there’s chatter, and only a trained intelligence ear can tell the difference. The trained ears are trying now to determine what to make of the chatter about a new attack on the United States, here or abroad and perhaps coordinated by the Islamic State (usually called ISIS).

If there’s anything to the chatter (and sometimes there is), we may soon be treated to what happens when Barack Obama employs his famous tactic of “leading from behind.” We have to call it a tactic and not a strategy, since the president says he doesn’t have a strategy.

He might one day get one, but he says he “doesn’t want to put the cart before the horse. We don’t have a strategy yet.” He might not have the cart yet, either, and there’s certainly no sign of a horse. Such hope is based on the works of Alfred E. Neuman, the famous comic-book philosopher, celebrated for how he deals with disaster: “What, me worry?”

Certain national-security officers, who have heard the chatter and measured it against what they think they can expect, based on painful experience, do worry. They are not so carefree and cheerful as Mr. Neuman might be. “We’ve noticed a significant increase in chatter among Islamic terrorist organizations both on the Internet and telephone lines,” a U.S. government security officer tells the Blaze, an Internet news site.

Intelligence officers won’t say whether they think an attack is imminent, the officer says, but “agencies did see this kind of increase in chatter before the September 11 attacks.” The anniversary is upon us.

If such an attack occurs, it may surprise the White House but it won’t surprise governments elsewhere. There are hints across the world that would be starkly revealed as having been portents, not mere hints.

Britain has unique reasons to worry about terrorism, with its thousands of new Muslim immigrants flocking from the British Commonwealth. It’s the price Old Blighty is paying for centuries of colonialism, and the government has raised its warning level from “substantial” to “severe,” the second-highest indicator of concern. “Severe” means a terrorist attack of some kind is “highly likely.”

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There are few weapons as deadly as the Israeli house. When its brick and mortar are combined together, the house, whether it is one of those modest one story hilltop affairs or a five floor apartment building complete with hot and cold running water, becomes far more dangerous than anything green and glowing that comes out of the Iranian centrifuges.

http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-UkDgfB5IZEI/UL7ScIe5jPI/AAAAAAAAKTs/uQ6-9M-LI1k/s1600/article-construction2-1130.jpgForget the cluster bomb and the mine, the poison gas shell and even tailored viruses. Iran can keep its nuclear bombs. They don’t impress anyone in Europe or in Washington. Genocide is a minor matter when in the presence of the fearsome weapon of terror that is an Israeli family of four moving into a new apartment.

Sudan may have built a small mountain of African corpses, but it can’t expect to command the full and undivided attention of the world until it does something truly outrageous like building a house and filling it with Jews. Since the Sudanese Jews are as gone as the Jews of Egypt, Iraq, Syria and good old Afghanistan, the chances of Bashir the Butcher pulling off that trick are rather slim.

Due to the Muslim world’s shortsightedness in driving out its Jews from Cairo, Aleppo and Baghdad to Jerusalem, the ultimate weapon in international affairs is entirely controlled by the Jewish State. The Jewish State’s stockpile of Jews should worry the international community far more than its hypothetical stockpiles of nuclear weapons. No one besides Israel, and possibly Saudi Arabia, cares much about the Iranian bomb. But when Israel builds a house, then the international community tears its clothes, wails, threatens to recall its ambassadors and boycott Israeli peaches.

Angry British men in red Keffiyahs hold up signs about the Holocaust in front of Jewish cosmetics stores in London. Marginalized French youth, by way of Algeria and Tunisia, hurl stones at synagogues. John Kerry interrupts a speech on the dangers of Global Warming as an aide notifies him of an even bigger threat to the world. David just made a down payment on a two bedroom in Gvaot.

You can spit on the White House carpets and steal all the gold in Greece. You can blow up anything you like and threaten anyone you will, but you had better not lift a drill near the hills from which Balaam tried and failed to curse the Jewish people. Where the old Mesopotamian warlock failed, his successors in the United Nations follow in his footsteps by cursing Israel every day of the week.

Some may think that nuclear weapons are the ultimate weapons, but as we see, time and time again, the ultimate weapon is a hammer and a fistful of nails in a Jewish hand.

Despite its reputation as the month known for its “dog” days, August historically has been anything but somnambulant. After all, it was the “guns of August” 100 years ago that marked the end of the Victorian and Edwardian ages, which had done so much to bring scientific, commercial and artistic advancements to the civilized world – along with murderous weapons of war and some of the more odious consequences of colonialism. August was also the month, in 1664, when the British fleet appeared off New Amsterdam, causing the city to change its name to New York. One hundred and fifty years later the British were back, this time burning the White House in 1814. And, of course even if we weren’t there, many of us remember the summer 45 years ago when what was termed an “Aquarian exposition” was held on Max Yasgur’s farm. The festival took the name “Woodstock,” a town 40 miles to the northeast.

This August has brought the despicable and public beheading of an American by the Islamic fundamentalist terrorist group, ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant). Despite the remarkable admission by Mr. Obama that he has “no strategy toward ISIS in Syria,” there have already been airstrikes in Iraq, followed by a nominal number of “boots on the ground,” and it seems increasingly likely that a similar strategy will have to be pursued in Syria, if the dragon is to be slain in its lair.

While we may wish it no longer existed, evil remains very much with us. All of the politically correct euphemisms and denials – “workplace violence” for the Fort Hood shootings; “man-made disasters” for terrorism; “it was the video,” for Benghazi; “red lines” in Syria; “Outliers” for rogue states; “overseas contingency operations” and “kinetic military action” for whatever it was Mr. Obama was trying to obfuscate; “Osama bin Laden is dead and al Qaeda is in decline” to help win the 2012 Presidential election; and ISIS as the “junior varsity” last January – are being shown as not only wrong, but deceptive. While we will never hear President Obama express it, what we are seeing is the reality that President Bush acknowledged over a decade ago – that Islamic terrorism is not limited to one organization and that the war against Islamic extremism will likely last generations.

A “militant” anything-Feminist, Zionist, environmentalist- is a person who is defined as-activist, radical, zealot, extremist, -in political ideas

A “terrorist” is one who uses violence, brutality and murder to further a political goal…

It now appears that the plan was for these terrorists to shoot down a Russian passenger flight over the Ukraine in order to create a casus belli [cause for war].

Putin repeatedly claims that Russia reserves the right to use nuclear weapons as a “de-escalatory measure” even against non-nuclear states.

The evidence that this war was preplanned is overwhelming. The planning for this Ukrainian operation started in 2006, when Putin offered to “guarantee Crimea’s territory.”

The forces fighting in Kiev consist not mainly of “separatists” or rebels, but of trained Russian army, intelligence and paramilitary officers, as well as Russian and some Ukrainian “volunteers” recruited by Moscow.

Putin would incite disturbances in Crimea, then graciously offer to take over Crimea to solve the problems.

For the Russians, and particularly for Putin, Ukraine can have no future other than as a Russian colony. This is indeed a phased invasion of Ukraine. The U.S. did not accept Russian aggression before; it should not accept it now.

If “truth is the first casualty of war,” Russia’s war against Ukraine, illegally launched by Russia’s President, Vladimir Putin, is no exception.

One of the saddest developments of this war is that on all political sides, in both Europe and the U.S., an entire army of Putin defenders has emerged, for whom the United Stares can do little right and Russia can do little wrong.

On the “right,” for instance, Patrick Buchanan has discovered that Russia’s President Vladimir Putin is supporting both Christian values and U.S. efforts in Afghanistan. Consequently he asserts we should not be worried about his illegal annexation of Crimea and aggression in Eastern Ukraine in violation of the Budapest Memorandum of 1994, in which Ukraine gave up its nuclear arsenal in exchange for Russian and American assurances that the use of force or threats of military action would not be taken against it.

In just the last five or six years the world has been fundamentally transformed. Instead of the old accustomed Western-inspired postwar global order, crafted and ensured by the United States and its European and Japanese partners, there is now mostly chaos, from Ukraine to Syria to the South China Sea. Or, rather, there may be emerging new rules, given that we are still frozen in a Wild West moment, when everyone in the saloon has drawn his six-shooter, paused, and is wondering what happened to the sheriff — and wondering, too, who will be the first to dare start shooting.

The general cause of the unrest is that, fairly or not, the world senses that the United States is tired after its recent interventions, cutting back its defenses, and all but financially insolvent. We might scoff at Neanderthal notions like a loss of deterrence inviting aggression, but Neanderthals do not.

Barack Obama apparently believes that such a retrenchment was both inevitable and to be welcomed. He thought that most U.S. interventions abroad had been either wrong or futile or both; he questioned the world’s status quo and certainly felt, for example, that the widespread persecution of Christians in the Middle East was not nearly as much of a problem as Islamophobia in the West. He came into office believing that Iran, Hamas, and Russia had all been unduly demonized, especially by George W. Bush, and could be reached out to by a sensitive president whose heritage and attitudes might not appear so polarizing.

To Obama, old allies like Britain and Israel either did not need unflinching U.S. support or did not necessarily warrant it. The postwar world that the U.S. had once ensured was no fairer a place than is America at home, and certainly did not justify the vast investment of American time and money — resources that could be far better be spent at home addressing inequality and unfairness. A program of higher taxes, huge budget deficits, and enormous increases in entitlement spending did not have budgetary space for the sort of defense required to keep things calm abroad.

Revitalizing the nation’s seapower should be a top priority for any president.

In 1987, the United States Navy numbered 594 ships. On, above, and below the ocean, the Navy reigned supreme, granting the commander-in-chief a flexible tool to secure the world’s economic maritime highways and project power ashore from the sea at the time and place of the nation’s choosing.

More than a quarter century later, the Navy has shrunk to just 288 ships and sits poised to shrink still further in the coming years. The naval buildup of the 1980s was so large and so enduring that it allowed the U.S. Navy to thrive for the next three decades. But succeeding presidents and Congresses have failed to sustain the fleet that President Reagan built. As this fleet retires in the decade ahead, the Navy will begin experiencing serious shortfalls in the minimum number of attack submarines, amphibious ships, and large surface vessels required to execute its mission.

The Navy’s relative decline cannot be measured simply by numbers of ships. The last 20 years have been a hiatus in the development of key capabilities and the maintenance of important skills. Areas like anti-submarine warfare, long a specialty of the U.S. Navy, have been neglected. Anti-mine warfare, which is critical in waters like the Strait of Hormuz, has been similarly ignored. And today the rapidly modernizing Chinese navy has developed anti-ship missiles that can “out-stick” our own missiles.

With 90 percent of global trade carried by sea, and the vast majority of international financial transactions conducted via undersea cables, the U.S. Navy is the backstop for securing a stable global financial system for the U.S. economy to operate in. In addition, the Navy is a highly versatile force that can generate sovereign, forward-deployed military power to do anything from strategic nuclear deterrence to humanitarian assistance. Whether it is launching air strikes against Islamist militants in Iraq or evacuating civilians from conflict zones, this flexibility makes naval power uniquely suited to an international security environment that requires scalpels in some instances and axes in others.

Past buildups of our naval power during periods of relative international peace, from the late 19th century to the 1930s to the Reagan era, can teach us much about the process of revitalizing American seapower today. In each of these cases, a far-sighted president, aided by like-minded members of Congress, was able to undertake the investments needed to rebuild U.S. naval power, often in difficult economic times. Yet a future effort to reinvigorate the Navy, while still requiring presidential vision and congressional leadership, must also be uniquely suited to the circumstances of our time.

OH PULEEZ! NOT THAT AGAIN….DIPLOMACY AND PARTNERSHIP WITH BARBARIANS IS A DELUSION…ONLY OVERWHELMING AMERICAN STRENGTH WORKS

International politics are shaped by two colliding realities: the perceived reality and the physical reality.

Take Libya. This weekend, social media were flooded with videos and photos of a U.S. Embassy residential annex in Tripoli. Islamist militiamen were shown partying in the pool and exploring the compound.

The perceived reality is that terrorists have conquered another American facility in Libya and that, two years after the Benghazi attack, American diplomats remain deeply vulnerable.

However, the physical reality is that U.S. diplomats were evacuated from Libya more than a month ago. In fact, the annex had been left to a Libyan government security force — who then abandoned it. While the Benghazi attackers in 2012 were from the Libyan Ansar al-Sharia, the annex is now “secured” by the Libyan Dawn Movement. Libyan Dawn embraces an Islamist-populist revolutionary ideology, whereas Ansar al-Sharia is defined by Salafi-jihadist fervor. And perhaps for that reason, the annex remains in reasonable condition.

Unfortunately, in the Middle East and North Africa region (MENA), perception drives reality. That makes this seizure a wake-up call for America. For those who hate America, the images of jihadists swimming in the compound’s pool will induce great joy. Driven by their zeal, jihadists see this kind of footage as proof that God supports them. It’s because jihadists believe in an omnipotent God who supports and justifies their every action that they are so intolerant of criticism and so gleeful about death. It’s likely that this incident in Tripoli will inspire them to new endeavors.

And that’s a major problem. After all, in Libya, the Islamist rebel alliance holds the initiative. Rampaging through Tripoli and degrading the already-paper-thin institutions of the Libyan state, the Islamists are leaving a failed state in their wake. Where Qaddafi retained authority by co-opting Libya’s diverse ethnic and tribal groups into his authoritarian rule, his downfall has led to a resurgence of tribal allegiances. It’s now, indisputably, a utopia for fanatics. And unless the United States restrains this madness, we can expect another disaster in the style of the Islamic State.

Western leaders failed to recognize the similarities between the Islamic State and Hamas.
The summer of 2014 is probably the most appropriate moment to remember a 19th century maverick genius: Jan Gotlib Bloch, otherwise known as Jan Bogomil Bloch, Johan von Bloch, Ivan Stanislavovich Bloch or even, among his French readers and admirers, as Ivan de Bloch.

Born in Radom, then a city in Russian Poland, in 1836, educated in Berlin, Bloch made a fortune in the construction of railways in the Russian Empire. While he converted to Calvinism, clearly for social rather than spiritual reasons, he remained close to his former Jewish brethren, fought anti-Semitism, funded investigations on the Jewish contribution to Russian economic development, and supported nascent Zionism.

His greatest achievement was a six-volume book published in Paris – and in French – in 1898, some four years before his death: La Guerre de l’Avenir (“Future War,” translated into English as “Is War Now Impossible?”).

Drawing from the best available information on military and strategic affairs, and in particular on the rapid and global improvement of military technologies, Bloch warned that a major war between industrial countries in Europe would result in a stalemate on the ground, the entrenchment of large armies, enormous casualties, financial bankruptcy, the break up of social organization and finally revolution.

In other terms, he accurately predicted what was to take place from the chain reaction of August 1914 to the overthrow of the Russian, Austrian and German monarchies in 1917 and 1918, and the rise of Communism.

Bloch may thus be praised as one of the real founding fathers of geopolitics as we understand it today, the study of power relations between states, nations and other human groups. Much more so, one would venture to say, than Harold Mackinder, whose major concepts, “Heartland” and “World Island,” have always been as questionable as fashionable, or Karl Haushofer, who, for all his talent and insight, never took off from pan-Germanic fantasies about organically growing states and lebensraum.